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THEY GOT THE WRONG GUYS On Monday, January 25, 2010, Ali Hassain al-Majid, better known as
"Chemical Ali" was hanged by Iranian-backed Iraqi stooges. Slightly more than thee years ago, Iraq’s President,
Saddam Hussein, was executed as well be the same Iran-lovers. Both shared the dubious title of having gassed Iraq’s
Kurdish population at Halabjah in 1988. However, few people in the West checked out any facts to verify the guilt or innocence
of the two Iraqi leaders. THe most damaging and damning incident for the Iraqi leadership was
the gassing of Halabjah, a Kurdish town, in 1988. Halabjah came under attack with chemicals and the world saw the tragedy
as people were strewn on the streets. However, the media did not pay a great amount of attention to the incident and it quickly
was replaced in the international press. In the buildup to Desert Storm, Bush I took the Halabjah gassing out
of the closet and he made great strides in gaining support for a military conclusion to the occupation of Kuwait by Iraq.
All of a sudden we heard him tell the world, "He gasses his own people." That statement was made so many times by administration officials
that it became a household cliché. The problem is that no one ever checked out its authenticity. A few months after Desert
Storm, Greenpeace published an in-depth study called On Impact about the reasons for the Gulf War massacre and how,
in the future, war should be a last option instead of a first choice. A portion of the report covered the demonizing of the
Iraqi leadership. It brought out many lies Bush used to persuade the world to support military intervention. Then, it addressed
the Halabjah incident and threw doubt on whose military forces attacked the town with chemical weapons. On Impact quoted
two writers from the U.S. Army War College who wrote a book called Iraqi Power and Security in the Middle East. They
concluded: The first attack occurred at Halabjah in north-central Iraq. All accounts
of this incident agree that the victims’ mouths and extremities were blue. This is consonant with the use of a blood
agent. Iraq never used blood agents throughout the war (Iran-Iraq War). Iran did … hence, we concluded it was the Iranian’s
gas that killed the Kurds. This short statement is devastating in many aspects. If doubt is cast
on who gassed the Kurds, many people in American politics will not come out smelling squeaky clean on the issue of integrity.
A considerable number of persons stated: "I would not support a war except that Saddam gassed his own people." . A document from the U.S. Marine Corps contradicted the popular belief
of Saddam Hussein being the perpetrator of the gassing incident at Halabjah. On December 10, 1990, a little over a month before
Desert Storm began, a document titled "Marine Corps Historical Publication FMFRP 3-203" was released. The main topic was "Lessons
Learned: Iran-Iraq War." Appendix B referred to "Chemical Weapons." The report went into the Iraqi use of chemical weapons
in the Iran-Iraq War and concluded that Iraq used mustard gas, a non-lethal agent, to disperse human waves of Iranian soldiers.
Then, it approached the gassing of the Kurds at Halbjah: Similarly, we find no evidence whatsoever that the Iraqis have ever
employed blood gasses such as cyanogen chloride or hydrogen cyanide. Blood agents were allegedly responsible for the most infamous use
of chemicals in the war — the killing of Kurds at Halabjah. Since the Iraqis have no history of using these two agents
— and the Iranians do — we conclude that the Iranians perpetrated this attack. It is also worth noting that lethal
concentrations of cyanogen are difficult to obtain over an area target, thus the reports of 5,000 Kurds dead in Halabjah are
suspect. It is unlikely that the U.S. Marine Corps would tell its troops, who
were about to face combat, a lie perpetrated by propaganda. It was okay for Bush to con the world, but the Marines attempted
to research the incident and get its people ready for battle. The fact that the U.S. Marines "concluded" that Iran gassed the Kurds
of Halbjah was not the only striking portion of this document. It questioned the number of deaths. Researchers have come forward
who state that several hundred bodies were found, not 5,000. By 2002, various individuals had time to dissect the reality of Halabjah
and in the buildup to the March 2003 invasion of Iraq, many came forward to challenge the "he gasses his own people" statement.
Included in the naysayers were retired CIA analysts, retired military personnel, journalists and others. They uncovered much
proof to show that Iran may have gassed the Halabjah Kurds. Stephen Pelletiere was the CIA senior analyst on Iraq during the Iran-Iraq
War. From the gassing incident at Halabjah until today, he maintains that it was Iranian gas that killed the Kurds. On January
31, 2003, the New York Times published a commentary by Pelletiere called "A War Crime or an Act of War?" The article
dispelled many myths about the "he gasses his own people" statement: The accusation that Iraq has used chemical weapons against its citizens
is a familiar part of the debate. The piece of hard evidence most frequently brought up concerns the gassing of Iraqi Kurds
at the town of Halabja in March 1988, near the end of the eight-year Iran-Iraq war. President Bush himself has cited Iraq's
"gassing its own people," specifically at Halabja, as a reason to topple Saddam Hussein. But the truth is, all we know for certain is that Kurds were bombarded
with poison gas that day at Halabja. We cannot say with any certainty that Iraqi chemical weapons killed the Kurds. This is
not the only distortion in the Halabja story. I am in a position to know because, as the Central Intelligence Agency's
senior political analyst on Iraq during the Iran-Iraq war, and as a professor at the Army War College from 1988 to 2000, I
was privy to much of the classified material that flowed through Washington having to do with the Persian Gulf. In addition,
I headed a 1991 Army investigation into how the Iraqis would fight a war against the United States; the classified version
of the report went into great detail on the Halabja affair. Pelletiere mentioned many other aspects of the battle in which Halabjah
was positioned between the Iraqi and Iranian forces. He also delved into the importance of Halabjah’s location because
of water systems and the nearby Darbandikhan Dam. Pelletiere added: And the story gets murkier: immediately after the battle the United
States Defense Intelligence Agency investigated and produced a classified report, which it circulated within the intelligence
community on a need-to-know basis. That study asserted that it was Iranian gas that killed the Kurds, not Iraqi gas. The agency did find that each side used gas against the other in the
battle around Halabja. The condition of the dead Kurds' bodies, however, indicated they had been killed with a blood agent
— that is, a cyanide-based gas — which Iran was known to use. The Iraqis, who are thought to have used mustard
gas in the battle, are not known to have possessed blood agents at the time. These facts have long been in the public domain but, extraordinarily,
as often as the Halabja affair is cited, they are rarely mentioned. Pelletiere’s piece raised only a few eyebrows, yet it was comprehensive
and accurate. The administration had already put forth so much propaganda that the truth was not going to be approached by
the mainstream media. Pelletiere’s account should have been the pivotal subject on all the talk shows and in the print
media, but it was largely ignored. He concluded: Before we go to war over Halabja, the administration owes the American
people the full facts. And if it has other examples of Saddam Hussein gassing Kurds, it must show that they were not pro-Iranian
Kurdish guerrillas who died fighting alongside Iranian Revolutionary Guards. Until Washington gives us proof of Saddam Hussein's
supposed atrocities, why are we picking on Iraq on human rights grounds, particularly when there are so many other repressive
regimes Washington supports? The basic facts of what happened in Halabjah have been corroborated
by the CIA, the U.S. Army War College, and the United States Intelligence Agency. Mohammed al-Obaidi, a university professor
in the United Kingdom, who was born and educated in Baghdad, brings up these facts as well as the more recent assessment of
the U.S. government that it was Iranian gas that killed the Kurds in his article of December 20, 2004, titled "What Happened
in Kurdish Halabjah?" that was published by various Internet media: Iran overran the village and its small Iraqi garrison on 15 March
1988. The gassing took place on 16 March and onwards; who is then responsible for the deaths — Iran or Iraq —
and how large was the death toll knowing the Iranian army was in Halabja but never reported any deaths by chemicals? Having control of the village and its grisly dead, Iran blamed the
gas deaths on the Iraqis, and the allegations of Iraqi genocide took root via a credulous international press and, a little
later, cynical promotion of the allegations for political purposes by the US State Department and Senate. After 15 years of support to the allegations of HRW, the CIA finally
admitted in its report published in October 2003 that only mustard gas and a nerve agent was used by Iraq. The CIA now seems to be fully supporting the US Army War College report
of April 1990, as a cyanide-based blood agent that Iraq never had, and not mustard gas or a nerve agent, killed the Kurds
who died at Halabja and which concludes that the Iranians perpetrated that attack as a media war tactic. The late Jude Wanniski was relentless in his pursuit of the truth
about Iraq. He was an unlikely ally because he was a conservative author and journalist and at one time the associate editor
of the Wall Street Journal. However, he possessed unbreakable integrity and truth meant more to him than a political
stance. Wanniski wrote hundreds of thousands of words about Iraq and challenged
any journalist who relayed the falsehoods of Iraq to clarify his/her research. None responded. In addition, he issued the
same invitation to every U.S. politician who had denigrated Iraq using false information. The result was the same as with
the journalists. On February 18, 2004, Wanniski wrote a column called "Defending Saddam,
not President Bush." He stated: One of the things history shows us over and over again is that men
and women who were thought to be EVIL incarnate in their own day — and had to be exterminated — are not so bad
in hindsight. I’ve told my family and friends these last several years that I really wish information would be unearthed
to show that Saddam Hussein did all the evil things he has been accused of doing, so I could shed my defense of him. Until
that happens, I am stuck with him. Jude Wanniski was on top of the Iraq issue like no one else. I have
written about the date of July 18, 2004 being one of extreme importance because Tony Blair announced to the world that 5,000
bodies had been found in mass graves in Iraq, not the 400,000 he had told the world in November 2004. Before this statement
had time to be uploaded to the Internet, Wanniski sent me this message: "I suppose you saw that Downing Street now says "5000"
bodies have been unearthed, not 400,000. JW." The relentless search for truth was paramount with Wanniski. He died
at his computer while writing an article about Iraq on August 29, 2005. The world lost an incredible human being who defied
his own acquaintances with his principled stand. There are a couple of issues that should make anyone with an inquisitive
mind question the story-line of various U.S. administrations about Halabjah. First, many pictures and videos have been shown
of Iraqi planes and helicopters in the air that supposedly unleashed the gas on the Kurds. The problem with this scenario
is that the gas was dispersed by artillery, not from the air. Artillery rounds were found to be the culprit, not bombs. Secondly, not one person from the Iraqi military has come forth to
say he was involved with the operation: not one pilot, nor a supply person, nor a truck driver, nor a clerk. There was, and
probably still is, a huge amount of cash awaiting an Iraqi military participant in the gassing of the Kurds who will come
forward. The oft-said statement that "Saddam would kill him or his family" is no longer relevant. This lack of someone claiming
the bounty is probably the best evidence to refute the general impression that "he gasses his own people." Ali Majid got caught up in the propaganda and was dubbed "Chemical
Ali" by the Western press. However, no one in Iraq ever called him that. Most Iraqis, whether pro or anti-Saddam did not believe
the gassing of the Kurds was committed by Iraqi troops. They were befuddled by such stories put forth by Western news sources. Those who put the hangman’s noose on both Saddam Hussein and
Ali Majid are far more responsible for the gassing of the Kurds than Saddam or Ali ever were. #3 On January 1, 2010, I and a few dozen friends commemorated the life
of President Saddam Hussein, who was murdered three years ago by the U.S., Iraqi stooges, and Iranian-backed death squads.
This was our third commemoration. We always meet on January 1 of each year, instead of the actual date of Saddam’s assassination,
because it is a national holiday in the U.S. and most people don’t have to go to work. This year’s event was, as last year’s, held at my house.
It was the most-attended of any of our commemorations. More than 40 people participated. The group was diverse. About a third
of them were female. The ages of those assembled were from 21 to 92. There were Rastafarians, Guyanese, Portuguese, Iraqis,
Colombians, Mexicans, Canadians and US citizens. They came from all walks of life: professors, cement truck drivers, school
teachers, linguists, professional wrestlers, restaurant workers, publishers, and retired people, among others. Normally, we have a party that mostly consists of a short discussion
about Saddam and everyone states a few words. Then, they feast on the great food that took my wife and mother-in-law two days
to make. This meeting was different. The discussion lasted for over three hours. Five hours after the celebration began, there
were still a half dozen people at my house discussing the legacy of Saddam Hussein. I asked a few people who live in other parts of the U.S. or in foreign
countries, to send me messages about their thoughts of Saddam. Some had even worked with him over the years. Most are people
who never met Saddam, but realize his achievements, despite the lies and propaganda thrust on him over the years. Below are
the statements sent to me. Some are brief and others are quite long. But, they all show their admiration for Saddam Hussein
and his accomplishments. I read them to the people and all were impressed and learned a little more about Iraq’s great
president. _______________________________________________________ Frank Morrow: One of the World’s Best Political Analysts and
Producer for 29 Years of the TV Program "Alternative Views" Saddam Hussein was one of the great leaders of the past several decades.
This statement may shock people who have only supped at the table of Western propaganda, but his accomplishments at bringing
a small Third World country into a full-fledged, modern country should rank with the best in modern history. His efforts in
establishing a peaceful, secular state in a country with potentially explosive religious divisions and ethnic diversity were
masterful. Saddam's integrating people from all religious groups and the Kurds into the government and military seems to have
been almost miraculous. Under his direction education and culture flourished. His generosity toward his Arab neighbors, both
as countries and as individuals, is a beacon toward which other Middle-Eastern countries should follow. The stature of this giant is in direct, obverse relationship to the
lies that the Western governments and media had to constantly tell in an attempt to hide the true nature of Saddam's Iraq. Husayn al-Kurdi: President of News International and an Expert on
the Arbab Nation, Leaders, and People: This is the third anniversary of the martyrdom of Iraq President Saddam
Hussein. It is an occasion to reflect on his qualities and qualifications as the greatest of Arab resisters and the most unwavering
champion of the Arab nation. We may do so by citing authoritative and eloquent Islamic, Arab and even American sources, as
well as the words of the man himself, as he addressed Americans and his fellow Iraqis from captivity and as he faced his martyrdom. Saddam addressed the American people directly from his captivity in
a handwritten letter dated July 7th, 2006, less than six months before his martyrdom: Jeff Archer, President of the Palestine Iraq Committee, distinguished
American writer and investigative journalist and author of the incomparable "The Mother of All Battles", the authoritative
book on the U.S. war against Iraq, brought out many little-known facts about Saddam's Arab Ba'ath Socialist Party-led government
and its accomplishments in the face of the obstacles imposed by Imperialist and Zionist assaults. Besides the monumental advances
in education, literacy, medicine, housing, women's rights and the welfare of children and the elderly, Archer noted: Ali Baghdadi: Publisher of Arab Journal: I wish I could be with you in person. I must tell you that I hesitated
a great deal in participating in this year’s commemoration to the death of Saddam Hussein, who is still the legitimate
leader of Iraq, whom I hugged and kissed more than once. There is nothing that I can say or add that gives the man what he
truly deserves. Had Saddam capitulated and yielded to the demands of George W. Bush and his gang, had he surrendered his country’s
resources to U.S. multinational corporations, had he accepted the illegitimate existence of the Israeli settler state, Saddam
Hussein, like Mubarak of Egypt and Abdallah of Saudi Arabia, would have continued to be the only and the undisputed leader
of Iraq. Saddam insisted to see Iraq free. He insisted to have all Iraqis enjoy
the wealth of their lands. In a savage world dominated by barbaric powers that suck the blood of developing nations and have
no regard to democracy and human rights, this behavior is not acceptable. It is a crime punishable by death. Saddam was greater
in captivity and death than when he was free and alive, with the intent, determination and potentials to free every Arab from
the humiliation of defeat, occupation and subjugation to foreign powers. He is a "Jesus" that we were able to hear, talk to,
see and touch. He chose to stand on the cross with his head high while his executioners stood by trembling. He died for our
salvation as Arabs and as Muslims. He is real not mythical. Despite the heavy iron weight tied to his feet and the chains
around his hands, he walked with dignity and pride. Even those mislead Iraqis who had opposed him while he was alive, today
regret their former stand. Today they recognize his sacrifices, value and greatness. They yearn for the return of the good
old days when Iraqis were united as one people regardless of their nationality, religion or faction. They all enjoyed security,
peace and harmony. They all had plenty of food to eat, clothes to wear, free and highly advanced education and health services,
even during the ugliest thirteen years of economic sanctions imposed by Washington. Above all, Iraqis were proud and free
as a people. Even Iranian officials who fought him for eight years finally realized and admitted that Iraq under Saddam had
been better off than Iraq of today ruled by thugs who entered the country behind American tanks. Saddam is physically and peacefully resting in his grave in Takrit,
his beloved hometown. However, his spirit is alive. He is present among all freedom fighters. We have seen him in action.
He leads the resistance to occupation in Iraq, Afghanistan, and Lebanon. Recently, he has started to appear in Yemen, north
and south, fighting the Saudis who are waging a criminal war on behalf of their American masters. A year ago, billions of
people worldwide have witnessed him repulsing Israeli savage air, sea and land attack on Gaza. Israeli leaders were obliged
to admit that their army, the fourth military power in the world, which is equipped with the U.S. most destructive military
arsenal, was defeated. Saddam lives not only among Arabs and Muslims. He lives in the minds
and hearts of all oppressed, as well as all freedom loving people around the globe, including this gathering. As long as there
is injustice, oppression and wars of greed, Saddam will be alive and well. Saddam will be everywhere, and the mother of all
battles will not be ending. Salah Al-Mukhtar: Former Iraqi Ambassador to India and Vietnam Greetings Comrades and Friends I would like to seize this opportunity of the anniversary of the assassination
of the martyr leader Saddam Hussein to greet you on behalf of Iraq, its people and their valiant resistance, assuring you
that the people of Iraq are determined to defeat the invasion the U.S. and Iran to Iraq. In the seventh year of the invasion of Iraq crystallized some great
truths it is very necessary to refer to: 1- The Invasion of Iraq has turned into a U.S. domestic nightmare,
manifested by the serious financial crisis; some U.S. sources estimated the costs of the war on Iraq between 3 and 4 trillion
dollars. Public debt reached $ 12 trillion, a staggering figure, and wounding many thousands of Americans with physical and
psychological disabilities . 2- We have seen the end of the welfare society in America, and America
entered the process of decay and deterioration, rapidly and dangerously, to the extent that some U.S. states called for secession
from America . 3- The economic crisis in America coincided with the success of the
Iraqi resistance in the prevention of American control of the oil industry and turn it into an investment. If we remember
that one of the most important strategic goals of the invasion of Iraq was the control Iraq's oil and invest it , we realize
that the lack of stability and security, which are the most important conditions for successful investments, we understand
the failure of a plan to control Iraq's oil. The investment does not mean to steal oil from Iraq, but to rebuild the Iraqi
oil industry and turn Iraq into the primary source of oil in the world, and put Iraqi oil under U.S. control, in full. Iraqi
resistance prevented safe control of the U.S. to the oil, thanks to the armed operations that made stability in Iraq impossible. 4- It is important to be aware that the Iraqi resistance has broken
the political process, because the USA wanted to build a political system, stable and strong, to implement its plan in Iraq.
The success of the resistance in the failure of the political process has led to fragmentation and division of political forces
that have cooperated with the occupation and loss of any hope in the success of the occupation, thus the occupation has reached
an impasse. 5- If you look at Iraq now, we are seeing resistance has matured and
become more united and determined to liberate Iraq without any compromise with the U.S. occupation, as reflected in the refusal
of the resistance to negotiate with America, unless the U.S. administration accepted the pre-conditions stated before , the
most important is the unconditional and complete withdrawal from Iraq, and compensation. 6- Yes, there is a change in the working methods of resistance, but
the basic equation in Iraq, stayed in favor of resistance, the commander of U.S. forces officially admitted that the number
of the resistance operations is 700 per week, and if we accept this figure which is much less than the true figure, one hundred
operation a day is large number not achieved by any resistance in the contemporary world. 7- Final note I wish to mention is that the resistance now in its
seventh year of the invasion: more accurate, organized, and more intellectually consistent after shrinking the role of the
takfiris Dear Comrades and Friends, Let me ask the following question: Who is the architect of this resistance
and its leader? He is the martyr Saddam Hussein, who built a resistance several years before the invasion and put together
the rules and provided them with arms and men trained about ten million Iraqis in guerrilla warfare, although he died. But
it persists because the men who were prepared by Saddam Hussein are leading the resistance now. The other question is: as long as the resistance continues is Saddam
Hussein really dead? Or is he alive living in the conscience of the people and fighters in Iraq? He is alive because the principles
he lived and died for are still alive and winning in Iraq. Layla Anwar: Iraqi Writer Who Publishes the Heartfelt and Informational
Website "Arab Woman Blues:" Greetings to all and my best wishes for a new year, and for a free
and united Iraq. Ziad Shaker el-Jishi: Of Palestinianh Heritage, He Is an Activist
from Texas and the Arab Coordinator of the Palestine Iraq Committee The occasion of the martyrdom of president Saddam Hussein is an important
yearly event for the prupose of study and empowering reflection. In it we take time to remember one of the greatest of anti-imperialist
revolutionary fighters of the last 100 years. It is a time of revolutionary rejuvenation where we dedicate time to study the
great accomplishments made by president Saddam during his 70 odd years of heroic life and for the immortal contributions that
he has left behind for us. President Saddam was an inspirational figure and heroic martyr akin
to great anti-imperialist names of the last 100 years, such as: Che Guevara, Mao Tse Tung, Kim Il Sung, Kim Jung Il, Michel
Aflaq and Jamal Adbul Nasser and the many others who dedicated their lives to accomplish empowerment and freedom for the poor,
the oppressed, and the marginalized by the criminal acts committed by imperialism and colonialism. President Saddam was a true Arab nationalist revolutonary hero who
adhered to the principles of the great Arab Baath Socialist Party and served its causes faithfully for decades as he ascended
to martyrdom in 2006. He was a true and honest student of founding leader Michel Aflaq who
created the path of Arab nationalism in the last five decades by the establishment of the Arab Baath Socialist Party in 1947,
that raised the slogans of unity, liberty, and socialism for the Arab nation; and to which president Saddam Hussein and his
comrades was an exempleray practitoner. For many years president Saddam worked faithfully to service the Baath
party and its evnentual victory that resulted in it taking power in Iraq in 1963. He put his life on the line many times and
was imprisoned to enable that revolutionary victory of the party from taking place. He eventually took the responsbility to lead the party and Iraq by
ascending to the presidency of Iraq in 1979. During that time the enemies of the Arab nation did not waste any time and attacked
him almost immediately. The reactionary forces of Ayatollah Kohomeini attacked Iraq in 1980, "israel" attacked Iraq in 1981,
and the eventual invasion and destruction of Iraq by Arab reactionaries and US imperialism took place in 1990 and culminated
in the invasion and destrcution of Iraq in 2003. During this time president Saddam never betrayed the causes of his
party or nation and fought as a true lion first developing Iraq into a modernized nation and then resisting Zionist, Iranian,
and Western imperialism fiercly and trhough armed struggle until his martyrdom in Iraq in 2006 at the hands of his enemies
who lynched him in a crime of history gone unchalleged by general opinion and Western public opinion especially. What was amazing about president Saddam and his fallen comrades-now
that we refelct upon their experience- is how they were conducting revolutionay anti-imperialist struggle when most had given
up in the after-math of the collapse of the then fallen anti-imperialist Soviet Union in 1990 and the end fo the Nasser experience
with the death of the Arab nationalist hero Jamal Abdul Nasser. Preseident Saddam's last words were long live the Arab nation and
Palestine is Arab from the river to the sea.Those were his last words after uttering the Islamic Shahdah and with that he
left us-the new generation fo Arab nationmalists- with an important program to follow on. The death of president Saddam Hussein was a new begining for the Arab
nationalist revolutionary program in all-as he intended for his death to be-and a new era of fierce anti-imperialist struggle
that he and his comrades ushered. President Saddam's path is now continued with his comrade Izzat Ibrahim
AlDouri leader of the Baath party and leader of the Iraqi resistance inflicting today a historical defeat on US occupation
forces. What president Saddam said is now being fulfilled. He promised to
make Baghdad the city where American soldiers will committ suicide and that Iraq will defeat America. The correctness of his
words and his vision is what we are witnessing today. Glory all glory to the fallen martyr president Saddam Hussein on the
occasion of his martydom! Ibrahim Ebeid: Of Palestinian Heritage and Is the Co-Editor of www.al-moharer.net I had the honor to know President Saddam Hussein in person.He was
a true leader a gentleman and down to earth. I have witnessed him roaming the streets of Baghdad early in the morning to find
out first hand how things really were .His visits were to working class neighborhoods. The Iraqi media showed him inquiring
about the elderly and about their wellbeing, chatting with children and examining the kitchens to see what the people lack.
These surprised visits helped him to take the appropriate decisions to improve the state of the people and to give an excellent
example to the people who were in charge to care and be concerned. He had a special direct phone in his office through which people can
call him and speak directly to him about their problems and complaints, and who was not satisfied was invited to a weekly
meeting at the palace where people were invited discuss with him their complaints. Iraq to him was part of the Arab Homeland and the doors of Iraq were
open to the Arab people. Millions came to work and hundreds of thousands came to study at the Colleges and Universities of
Iraq where education was free. The people of Iraq will remain faithful to you Mr. President because
they have known you for long time in the battlefield of Jihad and struggle. You are their guiding light and
the force that motivates them to carry the banner of liberation until Iraq is free. Saddam Hussein’s Greatest Legacy: December
2003 to December 2006 Part Three As we approach the third anniversary of the assassination of Saddam Hussein
at the hands of agents from the U.S. and Iran, we must remember the legacy Saddam left after he was kidnapped. His steadfastness
and integrity equaled these same traits he possessed while he was the president of the country. This is part three of a three-part
series. It is an excerpt from my book The Mother of All Battles: The Endless U.S.-Iraq War. After Saddam’s execution, the press had a field day in analyzing and
editorializing the incident as well as Saddam himself. Most were writing well out of their league and their ignorance of history
showed. Because most U.S. readers do not know the history of Iraq, the scribes’ words were taken as true. The theme of many articles was that justice was not achieved because Saddam
was hanged for a lesser crime than the major ones assessed against him. The "progressive" writers wanted to see him tried
for gassing incidents so they could tie together U.S. involvement with the "misdeeds" of Saddam Hussein. Article-after-article
mentioned Rumsfeld’s visit to Iraq in the 1980s and said the U.S. gave Iraq the technology for Iraq’s WMD programs
during the Iran-Iraq War, however, not one questioned the reason for the war. They all blamed it on Saddam and wrote as if
Iran was a benign and aggrieved country. Also, not one writer mentioned that Saddam was quickly hanged before the gassing
incidents could come to court. Many people accuse Iran, not Iraq of gassing the Kurds at Halabjah. If Saddam was dead, these
items could not be addressed, so the truth behind the myth of "gassing his own people" went to the grave with Saddam. Further,
not one mentioned that Saddam’s Iraqi attorney, Khalil al-Dulaimi, the only defense lawyer able to speak in the courtroom,
had been approached twice in the previous year by Iranian agents who tried to persuade him not to mention Halabjah at the
trial. On his first encounter, in Jordan, he was offered $10 million to keep the subject off the agenda. Later, in Paris,
the Iranians upped the ante by offering him $100 million. The only way to keep the subject away from public scrutiny was to
kill Saddam on bogus charges. Shortly after he died, the court dropped the genocide charges against Saddam Hussein. But, in most of the reporting, a visible part of history was missing. At
the same time Saddam Hussein and Rumsfeld met, Iran was killing Iraqi soldiers and civilians with missiles supplied by the
U.S. The U.S. had already made the deal with Iran to sell them missiles and other military material, with Israel getting the
obligatory 10% for being the middleman. Iraq and Iran were both supplied by the U.S. After Saddam’s execution, some writers mocked him and again, re-wrote
history. In "So Long to ‘Our Tyrant,’" Andrew Cockburn stated in Common Dreams on December 30, 2006: Though he was expelled from Kuwait and his economy wrecked by sanctions,
Hussein was allowed to survive because Washington for a time continued to believe that he was useful as a bulwark against
Iran abroad and militant Shiism at home in Iraq. When that policy was discarded by the neoconservatives after the 9/11 attacks,
the dictator’s days were numbered. Cockburn, of all people, should know that after Desert Storm, many plots
to get rid of Saddam emerged.. For instance, even Scott Ritter, once head of the U.N. inspection team, stated that the goal
of the U.S. personnel on the inspection contingent was to overthrow Saddam. He admits that he was part of the scheme. John Simpson of the Sunday Times relayed more historical revision
in his piece "Tyrant Met His End with Fortitude:" Every important step he took was a disaster, from the attack on Iran in 1980
which started a hugely debilitating war that lasted for eight years, to the foolish invasion of Kuwait, which brought him
into open conflict with his former friends, the Americans. Yet he knew how to appeal to ordinary people across the world.
He was hated by most of his own people, but loved by the poor and disinherited of the rest of the Arab world. He ruled Iraq by relying on the Sunni minority. His ministers were mostly
Sunnis and so were most senior officers in his army and police force. Tens of thousands of Sunnis died as a result of his
repression and the wars, but since his overthrow by the British and Americans in 2003, Sunnis have tended to identify more
closely with him. The glaring mis-representation in this piece is the depiction that his ministers,
the officers in his army and police force consisted mostly of Sunnis. In fact, 60% of the Republican Guard officers were Shi’ite.
As were two-thirds of the Iraqi ambassadors assigned to the U.N. during Saddam’s tenure. Iraq’s mouthpiece to
the world in March and April 2003, Mohamed Sahaff (the Iraq Information Minister) was Shi’ite. In the infamous deck
of 55 playing cards created by the U.S., 35 individuals were Shi’ite. Plus, Tariq Aziz, the Iraqi foreign minister,
was a Christian. Justice could have been better portrayed if Simpson took a few minutes to research facts before he made such
erroneous allegations. In the article, "Rule of Noose," in The Nation of December 31, 2006,
Bruce Shapiro wrote: If Iraqi executioners have a particular expertise with the gallows, it is
because Saddam gave his country so much practice. Hanging, shooting, gassing, beating, Saddam and his agents were masters
of them all. Saddam, depraved and sadistic, was the polar opposite of the banal bureaucrat evil Hannah Arendt famously saw
in Adolph Eichmann. Shapiro packed much rancor into such a short span of words. "Depraved and
sadistic" stick out. I doubt that Shapiro has an education and background in psychology, but he tries to dissect Saddam Hussein’s
brain. On December 30, 2006, the only "depraved and sadistic" Iraqis we saw were the ones who taunted Saddam and those who
pulled the lever for his hanging. On the other hand, some articles contained realistic information. According
to Robert Dreyfuss, in his article, "The Consequences of Killing Saddam," in The Nation, December 31, 2006: An overwhelming majority of the Sunni Arab population of Iraq now supports
the resistance, and its intensity is likely to grow significantly in the wake of Saddam’s death. Earlier this year,
300 Sunni tribal leaders met in Anbar to issue a demand that Saddam Hussein be released from prison, just one indication that
support for the former president of Iraq was widespread. "The execution of Saddam means that the flame of vengeance will be
ignited and it will hurt the body of Iraq with unrecoverable wounds," a Sunni tribal leader told the New York Times. Michael Boldin spoke of the lies and deceit of the U.S. administration in
his piece "Saddam Was Right and Bush Was Wrong," published online by The non-existent weapons of mass destruction weren’t the only
falsehood. There were the phony uranium purchases, lies about al-Qaeda training camps in Iraq, mobile weapons labs, and drones
that were going to attack the East Coast of the U.S. Remember the lies about babies being thrown out of incubators? The
propaganda started years ago. Even the claims of Saddam’s brutality are suspect. Why? Because most of these claims come
from the same people that have already discredited themselves. Boldin is one of the few writers who went right to the core of the
problem of the demonizing of Saddam Hussein. If those who accused Saddam of myriad atrocities had been exposed as liars about
virtually every aspect on Iraq, how could they transform themselves into purveyors of truth in describing Saddam Hussein and
his regime? Al-Quds of al-Arabi
assessed the situation in a logical manner. Its editor, Abdel Bari Atwan, told Aljazeera News: Arab public opinion wonders who deserves to be tried and executed:
Saddam Hussein, who preserved the unity of Iraq, its Arab and Islamic entity and the coexistence of its different communities
such as Shi’ites and Sunnis … or those who engulfed the country in this bloody civil war? The pundits had a great time writing about Saddam Hussein’s
execution. Many work for huge publications with limitless resources for research, yet they chose to re-hash old discredited
information and add a few new untruths as well. These represent only a few statements made in the Western press. But,
in newspapers from Brazil to Russia, from India to Indonesia, from Pakistan to Venezuela, and many other nations, the media
were much kinder to Saddam Hussein and the barbaric end he experienced. Many Western observers are not aware that Saddam Hussein was well-regarded
in much of the world. Brazilians remembered that thousands of their countrymen were recruited by Saddam to build the advanced
highway and bridge systems that once crisscrossed Iraq. Egyptians did not forget that more than two million of their countrymen
owned and worked land in Iraq prior to January 1991. Indians did not forget the reciprocal dealings with Iraq and how the
Ba’athists gave support to Indian causes. The Lebanese remembered the dozens of Iraqi trucks that showed up daily at
the Lebanese border during that country’s civil war. They were laden with food and clothing for any Lebanese person
in need. The convoys’ recipients included all Lebanese, not a certain faction of those battling in the civil war. Most
Palestinians display a picture of Saddam Hussein on their walls. Over the years, many nations have temporarily supported the
Palestinian cause, only to withdraw aid once threatened by the U.S. Saddam Hussein, even during the embargo years, supported
the Palestinians with no exception, while other Arab regimes did not want to get involved because they did not want to upset
their puppeteers in Washington and Tel Aviv. It didn’t take long for the world to see how quickly the bogus
court that tried Saddam became unraveled. On March 9, 2007, the headlines for Al-Jazeera News read, "Saddam Judge Flees Iraq."
Raouf Abdel-Rahman was the judge who sentenced Saddam Hussein, Barzan al-Tikriti (Iraq’s former intelligence minister)
and Awad Hamed (former head of Iraq’s Revolutionary Court) to death. All were hanged. Abdel-Rahman was the second judge on the trial in which the defendants
were accused of crimes against humanity for the execution of 148 people from the city of Dujail in 1985. The first judge,
Rizgar Amin, resigned. He accused the U.S.-allied Iraqi officials of scripting the trial for him. When Abdel-Rahman came on
board, the so-called trial turned into a fiasco. He constantly kicked the defendants and their lawyers out of the court room.
He made public statements before the end of the trial in which he stated that Saddam was guilty. When a defense witness came
forth with a video tape showing how the head prosecutor, Jaafar al-Musawi and a prosecution witness, Ali al-Haidari had lied,
Abdel-Rahman confiscated the video tape and had the witness, along with three other defense witnesses, arrested and tortured. When the appeals court turned down the request of Saddam’s defense
team about the death verdict, Abdel-Rahman had to set an execution date within 30 days of the appeal verdict. Saddam was hanged
within four days, on the date of the beginning of a Moslem holiday. For a few months, Abdel-Rahman relished in his image as a no-nonsense,
tough judge. The truth differs. He stood against everything a judge is supposed to represent: to find the truth. He lied and
he was a fraud. He was brave while he was protected by the U.S. Army in the Green Zone, but once the hangings were conducted,
it appears that Abdel-Rahman must have lost some of his protection. He fled to Great Britain. There is one aspect of this mockery that is confusing. Abdel-Rahman
asked for "political asylum" in Great Britain. Political asylum is usually requested by citizens of countries in which they
are not allowed political, social or religious rights that other citizens enjoy. Abdel-Rahman was a product of the quisling
Iraqi government. He was right in the middle of all the shenanigans and violence the pretenders thrust on Iraq. Why did he
ask for "political asylum" when he was a mainstream player in the sordid politics of Iraq? It is probable that there were many Iraqis who were offended by Saddam
Hussein’s show trial and hanging and some were probably picking up the stench of Abdel-Rahman’s scent. Even the
U.S. and the Iraqi stooges would have been unable to give him enough security to ensure that he would be alive at retirement
age. Abdel-Rahman may have been the temporary victor because of his actions
in an unfair Iraqi courthouse that led to the hanging of Saddam Hussein. But, in death, Saddam Hussein won the battle against
him as Abdel-Rahman made a secret and cowardly exit from Iraq. At the time of the writing of this book, a very ill Tariq Aziz is
being tried on false charges. Out of nowhere, Abdel-Rahman reappeared in Baghdad. It appears that no one wanted to be the
judge who orders the hanging of Aziz, so the quisling Iraqi government made a deal with the person who handed down Saddam
Hussein’s death sentence. It will be interesting to see Abdel-Rahman’s actions after the trial. He may well return
to England for his extended vacation. Saddam Hussein knew how his life would end, but he was well aware
that his legacy would be part of the equation that will resurrect Iraq. He never sold out, not even at the end when he was
offered chances to be freed from prison. He knew that if he sold out, he would have sold out Iraq. Long after his execution, Saddam Hussein still gained ludicrous press
coverage. On the first anniversary of the hanging, two British newspapers ran stories about the one-year anniversary. On December 31, 2007, the British daily newspaper, The Telegraph,
ran an article called "Few Gather to Remember at Saddam’s Tomb." It was written by Akeel Hussein and Colin Freeman.
Here are a few statements: On the first anniversary of his death, however, the final resting
place of the man whose last words were "Iraq is nothing without me" shows little sign of becoming the shrine many feared it
would … … Yet the supporters who gathered to commemorate by laying flowers
and reading the Koran numbered only in the dozens, not the hundreds of thousands that Saddam’s deluded ego might have
expected … This pieces is a horrible example of journalism, especially coming
from such an established newspaper as The Telegraph. The tone of mockery is normally never seen in a feature article.
Plus, the inaccuracies are glaring. Even from Saddam’s naysayers I have never seen the last words attributed to him
that this stooge tag-team wrote. However, the facts are true: only a few dozen people showed up at Saddam’s grave. Now, let’s go a few miles across London and see how The Times
handled the same story. Deborah Haynes and Ali Hamdani collaborated on the article "Thousands Prevented from Visiting Saddam
Tomb on Anniversary of Execution" that was published on December 30, 2006. Let’s take a look at a sampling of this article: A handful of Saddam Hussein supporters wept at his graveside in a
village north of Baghdad today on the first anniversary of the toppled dictator’s execution, while thousands more were
prevented from visiting the tomb because of heightened security … … "The anniversary of the execution of the martyred President
Saddam Hussein is a sad one and hurts all honorable Iraqis," said Um Marwan, age 40, who was leading a delegation of women
to the burial site. "You cannot compare Saddam to Maliki or Talabani who are hiding in
the Green Zone," she said. In the nearby village of al-Dawr thousands of people had planned a
demonstration to condemn the execution followed by a march to Saddam’s graveside, but their movement was restricted
by an indefinite curfew imposed from Saturday, said Selam al-Abid, a former guard to Saddam. Two stories used basic facts (and some fiction on the part of The
Telegraph) in depicting the first anniversary of Saddam Hussein’s murder. However, only one stated why there were
so few people at Saddam’s grave. If Saddam Hussein is a spent force in Iraq, why does the U.S. and
its quisling allies keep people from visiting his grave? They are cowards with absolutely no integrity and can only function
surrounded by tanks and enough military hardware to incinerate the entire country of Iraq. So much for "bringing democracy
to Iraq." Since the publishing of my book, the Iraqi quislings have gone even
further in keeping people away from Saddam’s grave. According to an article in Al-Jazeera News of July 6, 2009, titled
"Iraq Bans Visits to Saddam’s Grave:" The Iraqi government has banned all organised visits to the grave
of Saddam Hussein, the country's former leader who was executed in 2006. The government issued the order on Monday after some schools began
arranging trips for their pupils to visit the site in Saddam's native village of Al-Awja, outside the northern town of Tikrit,
a government statement said. … Thousands of Saddam's Sunni Arab supporters regularly visit
the site to commemorate the former leader with poems and songs of praise. Many also visit to mark the anniversaries of his birth and death. Buried alongside him are his two sons Uday and Qusay, who were killed
in a US attack in the northern city of Mosul in July 2003. If Saddam Hussein is a spent force in Iraq, why does the U.S. and
its quisling allies keep people from visiting his grave? They are cowards with absolutely no integrity and can only function
surrounded by tanks and enough military hardware to incinerate the entire country of Iraq. So much for "bringing democracy
to Iraq." ______________________________________________________________ NOTE: The entire three portions of this series is included in my book,
The Mother of All Battles. For the month of December 2009, Uruknet readers, as well as those on other sites, will receive
a discount for the 400-page book. The price is $20 per book. When ordering, mention this offer. For non-U.S. readers, the
postage is $12.95. I can fit two books into each USPS Priority envelope. This postage is a one-price limit for any amount
of what can be put in the envelope. If two people want to order the book, each can pay for the book and have them shipped
in one envelope, making the shipping cost half of what it would be if only one book was inserted. Just click on the link following
the picture of my book below to order
SADDAM HUSSEIN'S GREATEST LEGACY: DECEMBER 2003 TO DECEMBER 2006 Part Two As we approach the third anniversary of the assassination of Saddam Hussein at the hands of agents from
the U.S. and Iran, we must remember the legacy Saddam left after he was kidnapped. His steadfastness and integrity equaled
these same traits he possessed while he was the president of the country. This is part one of a three-part series. It is an
excerpt from m book The Mother of All Battles: The Endless U.S.-Iraq War. When the verdict of death for Saddam was announced on November 5, 2006, many groups, individuals and governments
were outraged. They tried to get the U.N. to intervene, but to no avail. Many quotes came forth from foe and friend of Saddam. The most preposterous came from Nouri al-Maliki, the
so-called Iraqi prime minister: This ruler has committed the most horrible crimes. He executed the best scientists, academics and thinkers. That statement was outrageous, but many people will believe it. For the preceding year, hundreds, if not thousands,
of professors, scientists and doctors were killed in Iraq by agents of the Maliki government. During Saddam’s time,
those professionals flourished and were the pride of Iraq. Maliki added them to the long list of fictitious victims of Saddam
Hussein’s rule. The announcement of the verdict backfired. The U.S. thought it would further erode Saddam’s importance
to the Iraqi public, but just the opposite occurred. The website www.al-moharer.net posted this message shortly after the announcement: We learned that demonstrators are all over Iraq in protest of the sentence. In Baghdad, American soldiers
are busy painting over the slogans that people wrote on the walls and in intersections. The U.S. media failed to show photos of these incidents, yet the international press displayed many. Within
a few more hours, the demonstrations escalated and U.S. vehicles were targeted by the crowds. The only hope that Saddam Hussein had to stop his date with the gallows was an appeal from his defense team
to an appeals court. The defense had a time limit in which to file the appeal, yet the court that tried Saddam did not give
his defense the necessary information. Weeks went by without the court even giving the defense team a summary of the charges.
When Saddam’s team received the necessary information, it only had a few days to file an appeal. The defenders had to
create an appeal in a few days that normally would take a month or two to construct. Every obstacle was put in place to keep
justice from seeing even a ray of daylight. The appeals court took two days to read 1,500 pages of documents presented by the defense and then issued
a denial for the appeal on December 26, 2006.. No court in the world can decipher this number of pages in such a short time. Despite there being no time limit for the appeals court to reach a decision, it made one in two days. The
next step was to affix a date for the execution. It had to be within 30 days of the announcement of December 26th. No one was surprised by the verdict against Saddam Hussein because of the knowledge this was a foregone conclusion.
However, the appeals court outdid itself by ruling on the Iraqi vice president, Taha Yasin Ramadan. He was sentenced to life
in prison by the court that convicted Saddam, but the appeals court took it upon itself to change the sentence to death, even
though the case was not on the docket. From the first day Saddam Hussein stepped foot in court until the day he was hanged, the entire system was
stacked against him. Many of the laws the court made for itself were illegal in the eyes of international law and the court
even breached some of its own illegal laws. Dr. Curtis Doebbler, a noted international human rights attorney, was on Saddam’s
legal team from the start. Shortly after the announcement of the appeals court, he stated: We’re trying to point out that if an execution takes place, it will be an ex-judicial, arbitrary execution
outside the law in violation of the law. It’s somewhat ironic that this individual who will be executed has proven to
have much more integrity than the individuals who are executing him, including the U.S. president who exhibits more evidence
that he has committed crimes against the Iraqi people than there was against the president of Iraq in the first trial in which
he was brought before the U.S.-created court and there still has been no investigation of the U.S. president. As you’ve seen, the Iraqi president has maintained his dignity and also maintained his peace of mind
in belief that he personifies the will of the Iraqi people to continue to fight against this occupation, which they believe,
and the majority of the international community believes, is illegal and the consequence of the illegal invasion of Iraq. It’s quite a sad day, I think, for international justice and, unfortunately, an another example of how
the United States is unwilling to conform with international law; to show respect for international law. What hurts me the
most, as an American, is that we’re the ones who benefit the most from respecting that law. When we set this example,
we essentially tell people that the law cannot be used to try to get the United States to respect their rights. They have
to use other means. That’s what got us into many of the problems that we’re in today. After the appeals verdict, almost everybody in the U.S. was in the lynching mood. Pundits were frothing at
the mouth when they discussed the upcoming execution. There was a collective air of jubilation and even anti-war activists
cheered on the impending hanging. Many politicians of the Democratic party who jumped on the anti-war and anti-Bush wagon
said that Saddam "deserved it." Not one discussed the legality or fairness of his trial, Leftist journalists were trying to
outdo each other in demeaning Saddam. Not only were they reporting the standard fare of Saddam Hussein myths, they made up
new fables of atrocities. Many people have stated that George Bush lied about everything to do with Iraq: weapons of mass destruction;
the Bin-Laden/Saddam Hussein link; Iraqi involvement with 9-11; fictitious biological weapons trailers; the Iraqi imprisonment
of a U.S. pilot since 1991, etc. Yet, the same people who question Bush’s lies about Iraq broadcast the myths about
Saddam Hussein and his regime. If Bush had lied about everything else, why should one believe his statements about the Ba’ath
Party and Iraq’s president? Logic would argue that he lied about Saddam as well. The scenario did not make sense. The people who consistently made the most absurd and untrue statements about
Iraq (Bush, Cheney, Rice, Bremer, Powell, Rumsfeld, et al) and who stole tens of billions of dollars that belonged to the
country of Iraq, proudly spoke of creating a new Middle East based on U.S. aggression or were conducting book-signing tours
for their memoirs. The results of their lies led to the killing of more than a million Iraqis; a cost of about a trillion
dollars to the U.S. public; and the destruction of a country’s culture and infrastructure. Even the history of Iraq
was re-written by people in Washington D.C. On the other hand, the guy with the moustache who told the truth about all the lies and adhered to the U.N.
request for inspections, as well as supplied a 12,000-page report that documented in detail every aspect of Iraq’s former
WMD programs, sat in a jail cell awaiting execution. On December 14, 2006, the Iraq Center for Research and Strategic Studies (ICRSS) released the results of a
poll it conducted for several weeks. The ICRSS is an independent organization based in Baghdad and run by Sadoun Dulaimi,
an Iraqi expatriate until 2003. Using a base of more than 2,000 Iraqis, the majority of whom were Shi’ite Moslems, 90%
stated that the country was far better off under Saddam Hussein than it was in 2006. The ICRSS is definitely not a shill for the Ba’ath Party. U.S. government agencies as well as many media
outlets referenced its results over the years. The conclusions showed a dramatic difference between the opinions of the Iraqi
people and those put forth by the U.S. administration and media. From the announcement of the guilty verdict on November 5, 2006 until 6:00am on December 30, 2006, Saddam
Hussein was the freest man in Iraq although he was behind bars. His mind was clear and he awaited death with dignity. Not
once did he crack under torture or pressure. .Saddam Hussein was not a slave, although his incarceration kept him imprisoned. He was not allowed to see
his family, unless, like his sons and grandson, they were shot to death with hundreds of bullets. At 6:00 a.m. Baghdad time, on December 30, 2006, a mere four days after the appeals court ruling, Saddam Hussein
was hanged. Until the lever was pulled, he displayed courage and integrity. The U.S. had waited since 1990 for Saddam to admit
defeat or show any sign of capitulation or fear. He never did. The hanging was the last chance for the U.S. to attain its goal. Administration members hoped he would cringe
or break down. Just the opposite occurred. Saddam went to the gallows and refused to wear a hood over his head, although his
hangmen were hooded. A sanitized version of the execution was broadcast to the world. It showed the executioners putting a noose
around Saddam’s neck and then the hanging. There was no sound. Shortly after, a real view of the execution came forth.
Someone in the room recorded the event on a cell phone. In the crowd were hecklers. They taunted Saddam Hussein, yet he never allowed himself to be degraded. When
one of the executioners shouted, "Long live Muqtada al-Sadr," Saddam mocked the Shi’ite upstart, then he began to recite
an Islamic verse and the hangman pulled the plug. The final act in the U.S. vendetta against Saddam Hussein backfired. The western media reported it as an accomplishment,
but people worldwide took to the streets in protest. Millions in India and Brazil demonstrated. Most of the Arab world was
laden with protestors. National days of mourning were announced and even Muammar Gadhafi of Libya, not exactly a close comrade
of Saddam, announced that his country would erect a statue in his commemoration. The last 15 minutes of his life made Saddam Hussein the ultimate resister of imperialism to hundreds of millions
of people on the Earth. The word "martyr" was now common in describing him. In the U.S., a few video clips of people celebrating in Sadr City were shown on television. However, no clips
of the massive pro-Saddam demonstrations made it past the cutting room floor. Most Americans do not realize that Saddam Hussein
was not perceived in much of the world as a ghastly perpetrator of genocide and a brutal sadist. Saddam Hussein held a 90% approval rating almost four years after his country was destroyed by an illegal
invasion but he was hanged, while the U.S. president who was obsessed with the Iraqi president’s demise, and who at
the time had an approval rating of 28% of his own country-people, was still alive and ordering the murder of many more Iraqis. There are various reasons for these macabre and illogical turn of events. Vilified by Western analysts, politicians
and journalists for years, it is nothing short of miraculous that Saddam lasted as long as he did. Many of the left are just
as responsible for his death as are the neocons they lambaste. Scribe-after-scribe demeaned Saddam Hussein since 1990, most
of the time relaying lies and myths about the man and his Ba’ath Party. No lie was too big if it was sensational enough
to acquire headlines. Even when some of the lies were uncovered, such as those of the human shredding machine, or the mobile
biological weapons labs, or the aluminum tubes for Iraq’s non-existent nuclear weapons program, the press did not acknowledge
the truth. They went along making up new allegations. Because it normally took months to investigate the falsehoods, when
the truth emerged, the public read little. To them, the original story stuck in their minds. Many people should be considered
murderers for Saddam Hussein’s hanging: not just the hangman, but everyone who fueled the fire of hatred against him,
including members of the "progressive" press who helped pass on the lies. The events leading up to Saddam’s execution are preposterous, almost surreal. A bunch of one-time Iraqis,
who had not lived in the country for decades, were flown into Iraq by the U.S. to run the country. A bible-toting, combat-boot-wearing
administrator with no knowledge of any Arab country or culture (Paul Bremer), changed the country’s laws and constitution,
as well as took away state-ownership of crucial industries. When the Ba’athist agenda took hold in the 1970s, the government introduced many revolutionary aspects
to Iraqi life: the equality of women; universal education; universal healthcare; much-improved public transportation; emphasis
on science, etc. By the 1980s, Iraq was thriving and the crown jewel of the Middle East. But, along with the improvements
came jealousy and greed. The U.S., because of its no-questions-asked affinity to Israel, had to take Iraq back a few notches.
Oil was quickly becoming a symbol of world power, not just something to keep a country’s energy requirements in place. In other words, Iraq was now worth fighting for. It no longer was the antiquated nation of a few decades ago.
Saddam Hussein was the driving force behind the transformation of Iraq. Gradually, the U.S., with other Western powers, wanted
some of Iraq’s black gold. Little-by-little, the country was degraded, beginning on January 17, 1991. Twelve years of
an embargo weakened it further, but it did not kill Iraq. It took a massive invasion in 2003 and a ruthless occupation to
finish the country off. Iraq has been totally destroyed, not just physically, but emotionally. All of Saddam Hussein’s enemies
hold equal responsibility in the destruction. They not only murdered Saddam, but Iraq as well. Shortly after March 2003, some
people and institutions, such as Ahmed Chalabi and Haliburton, made a quick financial killing. Those days are gone. Today’s
thieves in the stooge government can only count on small change to steal. The Iraqi people had everything they own, physically
and emotionally, stolen. ________________________________________________________ NOTE: The entire three portions of this series is included in my book, The Mother of
All Battles. For the month of December 2009, Uruknet readers, as well as those on other sites, will receive a discount
for the 400-page book. The price is $20 per book. When ordering, mention this offer. For non-U.S. readers, the postage is
$12.95. I can fit two books into each USPS Priority envelope. This postage is a one-price limit for any amount of what can
be put in the envelope. If two people want to order the book, each can pay for the book and have them shipped in one envelope,
making the shipping cost half of what it would be if only one book was inserted. Just click on the link following the picture
of my book below to order. Wednesday-Friday, December 25-27, 2007 SADDAM HUSSEIN'S GREATEST LEGACY: DECEMBER 2003 TO DECEMBER 2006 Part Two As we approach the third anniversary of the assassination of Saddam Hussein at the hands of agents from the
U.S. and Iran, we must remember the legacy Saddam left after he was kidnapped. His steadfastness and integrity equaled these
same traits he possessed while he was the president of the country. This is part one of a three-part series. It is an excerpt
from m book The Mother of All Battles: The Endless U.S.-Iraq War. When the verdict of death for Saddam was announced on November 5, 2006, many groups, individuals and governments
were outraged. They tried to get the U.N. to intervene, but to no avail. Many quotes came forth from foe and friend of Saddam. The most preposterous came from Nouri al-Maliki, the
so-called Iraqi prime minister: This ruler has committed the most horrible crimes. He executed the best scientists, academics and thinkers. That statement was outrageous, but many people will believe it. For the preceding year, hundreds, if not thousands,
of professors, scientists and doctors were killed in Iraq by agents of the Maliki government. During Saddam’s time,
those professionals flourished and were the pride of Iraq. Maliki added them to the long list of fictitious victims of Saddam
Hussein’s rule. The announcement of the verdict backfired. The U.S. thought it would further erode Saddam’s importance
to the Iraqi public, but just the opposite occurred. The website www.al-moharer.net posted this message shortly after the announcement: We learned that demonstrators are all over Iraq in protest of the sentence. In Baghdad, American soldiers
are busy painting over the slogans that people wrote on the walls and in intersections. The U.S. media failed to show photos of these incidents, yet the international press displayed many. Within
a few more hours, the demonstrations escalated and U.S. vehicles were targeted by the crowds. The only hope that Saddam Hussein had to stop his date with the gallows was an appeal from his defense team
to an appeals court. The defense had a time limit in which to file the appeal, yet the court that tried Saddam did not give
his defense the necessary information. Weeks went by without the court even giving the defense team a summary of the charges.
When Saddam’s team received the necessary information, it only had a few days to file an appeal. The defenders had to
create an appeal in a few days that normally would take a month or two to construct. Every obstacle was put in place to keep
justice from seeing even a ray of daylight. The appeals court took two days to read 1,500 pages of documents presented by the defense and then issued
a denial for the appeal on December 26, 2006.. No court in the world can decipher this number of pages in such a short time. Despite there being no time limit for the appeals court to reach a decision, it made one in two days. The
next step was to affix a date for the execution. It had to be within 30 days of the announcement of December 26th. No one was surprised by the verdict against Saddam Hussein because of the knowledge this was a foregone conclusion.
However, the appeals court outdid itself by ruling on the Iraqi vice president, Taha Yasin Ramadan. He was sentenced to life
in prison by the court that convicted Saddam, but the appeals court took it upon itself to change the sentence to death, even
though the case was not on the docket. From the first day Saddam Hussein stepped foot in court until the day he was hanged, the entire system was
stacked against him. Many of the laws the court made for itself were illegal in the eyes of international law and the court
even breached some of its own illegal laws. Dr. Curtis Doebbler, a noted international human rights attorney, was on Saddam’s
legal team from the start. Shortly after the announcement of the appeals court, he stated: We’re trying to point out that if an execution takes place, it will be an ex-judicial, arbitrary execution
outside the law in violation of the law. It’s somewhat ironic that this individual who will be executed has proven to
have much more integrity than the individuals who are executing him, including the U.S. president who exhibits more evidence
that he has committed crimes against the Iraqi people than there was against the president of Iraq in the first trial in which
he was brought before the U.S.-created court and there still has been no investigation of the U.S. president. As you’ve seen, the Iraqi president has maintained his dignity and also maintained his peace of mind
in belief that he personifies the will of the Iraqi people to continue to fight against this occupation, which they believe,
and the majority of the international community believes, is illegal and the consequence of the illegal invasion of Iraq. It’s quite a sad day, I think, for international justice and, unfortunately, an another example of how
the United States is unwilling to conform with international law; to show respect for international law. What hurts me the
most, as an American, is that we’re the ones who benefit the most from respecting that law. When we set this example,
we essentially tell people that the law cannot be used to try to get the United States to respect their rights. They have
to use other means. That’s what got us into many of the problems that we’re in today. After the appeals verdict, almost everybody in the U.S. was in the lynching mood. Pundits were frothing at
the mouth when they discussed the upcoming execution. There was a collective air of jubilation and even anti-war activists
cheered on the impending hanging. Many politicians of the Democratic party who jumped on the anti-war and anti-Bush wagon
said that Saddam "deserved it." Not one discussed the legality or fairness of his trial, Leftist journalists were trying to
outdo each other in demeaning Saddam. Not only were they reporting the standard fare of Saddam Hussein myths, they made up
new fables of atrocities. Many people have stated that George Bush lied about everything to do with Iraq: weapons of mass destruction;
the Bin-Laden/Saddam Hussein link; Iraqi involvement with 9-11; fictitious biological weapons trailers; the Iraqi imprisonment
of a U.S. pilot since 1991, etc. Yet, the same people who question Bush’s lies about Iraq broadcast the myths about
Saddam Hussein and his regime. If Bush had lied about everything else, why should one believe his statements about the Ba’ath
Party and Iraq’s president? Logic would argue that he lied about Saddam as well. The scenario did not make sense. The people who consistently made the most absurd and untrue statements about
Iraq (Bush, Cheney, Rice, Bremer, Powell, Rumsfeld, et al) and who stole tens of billions of dollars that belonged to the
country of Iraq, proudly spoke of creating a new Middle East based on U.S. aggression or were conducting book-signing tours
for their memoirs. The results of their lies led to the killing of more than a million Iraqis; a cost of about a trillion
dollars to the U.S. public; and the destruction of a country’s culture and infrastructure. Even the history of Iraq
was re-written by people in Washington D.C. On the other hand, the guy with the moustache who told the truth about all the lies and adhered to the U.N.
request for inspections, as well as supplied a 12,000-page report that documented in detail every aspect of Iraq’s former
WMD programs, sat in a jail cell awaiting execution. On December 14, 2006, the Iraq Center for Research and Strategic Studies (ICRSS) released the results of a
poll it conducted for several weeks. The ICRSS is an independent organization based in Baghdad and run by Sadoun Dulaimi,
an Iraqi expatriate until 2003. Using a base of more than 2,000 Iraqis, the majority of whom were Shi’ite Moslems, 90%
stated that the country was far better off under Saddam Hussein than it was in 2006. The ICRSS is definitely not a shill for the Ba’ath Party. U.S. government agencies as well as many media
outlets referenced its results over the years. The conclusions showed a dramatic difference between the opinions of the Iraqi
people and those put forth by the U.S. administration and media. From the announcement of the guilty verdict on November 5, 2006 until 6:00am on December 30, 2006, Saddam
Hussein was the freest man in Iraq although he was behind bars. His mind was clear and he awaited death with dignity. Not
once did he crack under torture or pressure. .Saddam Hussein was not a slave, although his incarceration kept him imprisoned. He was not allowed to see
his family, unless, like his sons and grandson, they were shot to death with hundreds of bullets. At 6:00 a.m. Baghdad time, on December 30, 2006, a mere four days after the appeals court ruling, Saddam Hussein
was hanged. Until the lever was pulled, he displayed courage and integrity. The U.S. had waited since 1990 for Saddam to admit
defeat or show any sign of capitulation or fear. He never did. The hanging was the last chance for the U.S. to attain its goal. Administration members hoped he would cringe
or break down. Just the opposite occurred. Saddam went to the gallows and refused to wear a hood over his head, although his
hangmen were hooded. A sanitized version of the execution was broadcast to the world. It showed the executioners putting a noose
around Saddam’s neck and then the hanging. There was no sound. Shortly after, a real view of the execution came forth.
Someone in the room recorded the event on a cell phone. In the crowd were hecklers. They taunted Saddam Hussein, yet he never allowed himself to be degraded. When
one of the executioners shouted, "Long live Muqtada al-Sadr," Saddam mocked the Shi’ite upstart, then he began to recite
an Islamic verse and the hangman pulled the plug. The final act in the U.S. vendetta against Saddam Hussein backfired. The western media reported it as an accomplishment,
but people worldwide took to the streets in protest. Millions in India and Brazil demonstrated. Most of the Arab world was
laden with protestors. National days of mourning were announced and even Muammar Gadhafi of Libya, not exactly a close comrade
of Saddam, announced that his country would erect a statue in his commemoration. The last 15 minutes of his life made Saddam Hussein the ultimate resister of imperialism to hundreds of millions
of people on the Earth. The word "martyr" was now common in describing him. In the U.S., a few video clips of people celebrating in Sadr City were shown on television. However, no clips
of the massive pro-Saddam demonstrations made it past the cutting room floor. Most Americans do not realize that Saddam Hussein
was not perceived in much of the world as a ghastly perpetrator of genocide and a brutal sadist. Saddam Hussein held a 90% approval rating almost four years after his country was destroyed by an illegal
invasion but he was hanged, while the U.S. president who was obsessed with the Iraqi president’s demise, and who at
the time had an approval rating of 28% of his own country-people, was still alive and ordering the murder of many more Iraqis. There are various reasons for these macabre and illogical turn of events. Vilified by Western analysts, politicians
and journalists for years, it is nothing short of miraculous that Saddam lasted as long as he did. Many of the left are just
as responsible for his death as are the neocons they lambaste. Scribe-after-scribe demeaned Saddam Hussein since 1990, most
of the time relaying lies and myths about the man and his Ba’ath Party. No lie was too big if it was sensational enough
to acquire headlines. Even when some of the lies were uncovered, such as those of the human shredding machine, or the mobile
biological weapons labs, or the aluminum tubes for Iraq’s non-existent nuclear weapons program, the press did not acknowledge
the truth. They went along making up new allegations. Because it normally took months to investigate the falsehoods, when
the truth emerged, the public read little. To them, the original story stuck in their minds. Many people should be considered
murderers for Saddam Hussein’s hanging: not just the hangman, but everyone who fueled the fire of hatred against him,
including members of the "progressive" press who helped pass on the lies. The events leading up to Saddam’s execution are preposterous, almost surreal. A bunch of one-time Iraqis,
who had not lived in the country for decades, were flown into Iraq by the U.S. to run the country. A bible-toting, combat-boot-wearing
administrator with no knowledge of any Arab country or culture (Paul Bremer), changed the country’s laws and constitution,
as well as took away state-ownership of crucial industries. When the Ba’athist agenda took hold in the 1970s, the government introduced many revolutionary aspects
to Iraqi life: the equality of women; universal education; universal healthcare; much-improved public transportation; emphasis
on science, etc. By the 1980s, Iraq was thriving and the crown jewel of the Middle East. But, along with the improvements
came jealousy and greed. The U.S., because of its no-questions-asked affinity to Israel, had to take Iraq back a few notches.
Oil was quickly becoming a symbol of world power, not just something to keep a country’s energy requirements in place. In other words, Iraq was now worth fighting for. It no longer was the antiquated nation of a few decades ago.
Saddam Hussein was the driving force behind the transformation of Iraq. Gradually, the U.S., with other Western powers, wanted
some of Iraq’s black gold. Little-by-little, the country was degraded, beginning on January 17, 1991. Twelve years of
an embargo weakened it further, but it did not kill Iraq. It took a massive invasion in 2003 and a ruthless occupation to
finish the country off. Iraq has been totally destroyed, not just physically, but emotionally. All of Saddam Hussein’s enemies
hold equal responsibility in the destruction. They not only murdered Saddam, but Iraq as well. Shortly after March 2003, some
people and institutions, such as Ahmed Chalabi and Haliburton, made a quick financial killing. Those days are gone. Today’s
thieves in the stooge government can only count on small change to steal. The Iraqi people had everything they own, physically
and emotionally, stolen.
THEY WILL ALWAYS REMEMBER As we approach the third anniversary of the murder of President Saddam
Hussein by U.S. and Iranian-backed cowards, the current stooge prime minister of Iraq, Maliki, is sparing no effort in attempting
to erase the memory of Saddam and the Ba’ath Party from Iraq’s collective remembrance. Most leaders who are killed
in a coup or an invasion of a foreign country usually have their corpses paraded around for the people to throw things at,
or they are buried in some junk heap in a landfill and forgotten. Not so with Saddam. His memory and his accomplishments are
alive and well in the psyche of millions of Iraqis. On December 5, 2009. Al-Jazeera News ran an article called "Longing
for Saddam in Kikrit." It began: When you see Iraqi policemen salute the grave of Saddam Hussein, you
start to realize how much more needs to be achieved before Iraq is on the road to true peace and stability. There are Iraqis
who long for the past, especially in Tikrit, the hometown of the late Iraqi leader. A few moments later, a family arrived at the gravesite which has become
a shrine for many. A woman kissed Saddam's grave and cried out: "Abu Oday, where are you? I wish you were here. Since you
have been gone, we have been humiliated." For a few months, Maliki has blamed every act of violence in Iraq
on Saddam Hussein supporters, despite most being conducted by his own government. A day does not go by without Maliki denigrating
Saddam Hussein. He is obsessed. The main reason for this preoccupation is that Maliki realizes the Iraqi people are much more
proud of Saddam than himself. Jealously prevails. The following is a recent article I wrote that goes into detail about
how Maliki is trying to make Saddam’s memory disappear. His methods are not working. WHAT ARE THEY AFRAID OF? First, they took his name out of Iraqi history books. Then, they made
a criminal charge that constitutes a two-year prison sentence for displaying a picture of him in public. Now, the Iraqi government
has banned people from visiting Saddam Hussein’s grave. According to an article in Al-Jazeera News of July 6, 2009, titled
"Iraq Bans Visits to Saddam’s Grave:" The Iraqi government has banned all organised visits to the grave
of Saddam Hussein, the country's former leader who was executed in 2006. The government issued the order on Monday after some schools began
arranging trips for their pupils to visit the site in Saddam's native village of Al-Awja, outside the northern town of Tikrit,
a government statement said. … Thousands of Saddam's Sunni Arab supporters regularly visit
the site to commemorate the former leader with poems and songs of praise. Many also visit to mark the anniversaries of his birth and death. Buried alongside him are his two sons Uday and Qusay, who were killed
in a US attack in the northern city of Mosul in July 2003. First, for years we heard Saddam and his sons called "butchers" by
the West. But, the remains of him and his sons indicate the most brutal form of butchery. His sons were chopped to pieces
by hundreds of bullets and artillery shells, while Saddam’s body was defiled by rabid Iran supporters after he was hanged.
The imagery of butchery lives in the graves of the Hussein family, but it was butchery imposed by outsiders, not by Saddam
and his sons. Last week, I gave a speech at San Diego State University to a class
of Professor Khaleel Mohammed, a well-known expert on Islam. The kids were mostly aged from 18-21 and most did not even remember
the March 2003 invasion of Iraq because of their young age at the time. I spoke about the re-writing of Iraq’s history in Washington,
D.C. by U.S. personnel and how the history books were blank from the years 1968 to 2005. Most of the students seemed skeptical
of my assessment. They could not believe the U.S. would pull such dirty tricks. The professor injected a statement. He told of his being a professor
in Toronto at the time of the invasion and that he was contacted by the U.S. government to discuss the subject of Iraq’s
education. They flew him to Washington, D.C. and offered him a top post in the program of re-writing Iraqi history. He said
the salary they offered was astronomical. But, once the discussions began, he knew this was not a job he could perform. He
was told that Iraqi history was to be re-written in Washington and it must reflect U.S. propaganda and turn the Iraqi education
system into a carbon copy of the U.S. system. The professor said he refused because he would not be able to live with himself
if he participated in such a venture. Then, he pointed to a middle-aged woman in the class and said, "We
have an Iraqi in class who went through the times of Saddam. What is your opinion?" She said that she learned more in the
seventh grade in Iraq than she has at a top U.S. university. I asked her when she graduated from Baghdad University and she
replied, "1985." She then said she taught high school for a few years. But, her next statement kind of shocked the students,
most of whom only knew what U.S. propaganda had thrust on the public. She said, "In those days, we had freedom. Under Saddam,
we had total freedom. Not so today. My niece, a Christian, has to be fully-veiled when she leaves the house, despite it being
against her beliefs. Plus, what there is of an education system today in Iraq is pathetic." Today, I sent Professor Mohammed the Al-Jazeera article about banning
visitors from Saddam’s graveside. Here is his response: This is nonsense...and will arouse Muslim sentiment against them.
In ANY human system, you cannot prevent people from having their views of the dead. And if the Iraqi puppets enforce this
ban, it will only achieve what is beyond their wildest dreams: the people will lionize him more than ever. This is not the first time people were stopped from visiting Saddam’s
grave. On the first anniversary of his death, thousands were not allowed to pay tribute. According to an article in The
Times of London, called , "Thousands Prevented from Visiting Saddam Tomb on Anniversary of Execution," and published on
December 30, 2007: A handful of Saddam Hussein supporters wept at a graveside in a village
north of Baghdad today on the first anniversary of his execution, while thousands more were preventing from visiting the tomb
because of heightened security… … In the nearby village of al-Dawr thousands of people had planned
a demonstration to condemn the execution followed by a march to Saddam’s graveside, but their movement was restricted
by an indefinite curfew imposed from Saturday, said Selam al-Abid, a former guard to Saddam. In December 2003, after the announcement of Saddam’s capture
by U.S. troops, the streets of Baghdad were filled with pro-Saddam supporters. The following day, U.S. military personnel
surrounded a Baghdad school, Adnan Kheiralla Boy’s School, and dragged about 40 students by their hair and held them
for a couple of days in cages. Their crime? They had a picture of Saddam Hussein in their class. Such actions are not indicative of a "democratic" society, one that
was forced on Iraq by the U.S. The other day, I saw an automobile bumper sticker with the words "Free Iraq" on it, commemorating
the new democratic Iraq. Another sticker, on the other side of the bumper, heralded the praising of Jesus for freeing the
Iraqis. If Saddam is such a spent force, why are the stooges in Baghdad so
bent on denying his existence or stopping people from visiting his grave, or even mentioning his name? Logic tells us that
if the denigration was true, the Iraqi quislings would promote Saddam’s "brutal legacy." Plus, Maliki is very jealous.
Saddam’s presence could command hundreds of thousands of people to show up to listen to his greetings to the Iraqi people.
If Maliki gave a public speech, he couldn’t get a swarm of flies to attend even if he had barrels of honey surrounding
him. Today, the "Arab street’ considers Saddam Hussein as one of
the greatest leaders in Arab history, arguably the greatest in modern times. Even some of his critics from before the March
2003 invasion are now speaking of his foresight. In my book, The Mother of All Battles: The Endless U.S.-Iraq War,
I include a speech given by Saddam Hussein at the Amman Summit in Amman, Jordan on February 24, 1990. Point-by-point, he laid
out the future of the Arab world if it did not recognize and resist U.S. plans for domination of the Arab entity. The leaders
did not listen, but the Arab people did. Today, they see that speech as the blueprint for U.S. hegemony in the Arab world.
It’s too bad the leaders did not take the message to heart. News analyst and Middle Eastern expert, Husayn al-Kurdi passed on
his comment today about the ridiculous decree that makes it illegal to visit Saddam’s grave: Saddam Hussein, Knight and Supreme Martyr of the Arabs and Role Model
for all Resisters to Imperialism and Injustice Spawned by the Crusaders, will never die. The struggle for justice and emancipation
from usurpers and invaders will go on until all of the Crusaders and their lackeys, collaborators and stool pigeons have reaped
the ultimate reward for their depredations. The living pigs and their lickspittles cannot match the memory of the Great Martyr.
One thing is a fact that upsets the pretenders in Baghdad: no
matter how many laws are enacted or how many arrests are made, the Iraqi people will not forget Saddam Hussein and the accomplishments
of his leadership and those of the Ba’ath Party. The more they try to eliminate Saddam’s memory, the more they
fail. Saddam made Iraq worth fighting for.
A BLACK CAT IN A DARK ROOM In Britain, hearings are being held about the lies leading up to the
March 2003 invasion of Iraq. At first, the commission members attempted to whitewash all the incidents. But, parents of those
killed in Iraq have put enough pressure on the commission to get at least some truth out. In the past week or so, they have
changed their tune and have admitted to much of what we already knew, but it’s the first time public figures of the
government of Britain are telling a portion of the truth. There is so much pressure being put on them, that they have opened
up subjects, albeit mostly to save their own careers. The publicity being given these hearings is loud enough that if the
commission members kept on lying, their falsities would be published in every newspaper in the country. However, there is still
one issue they evade: the fact that Iraq had no weapons of mass destruction (WMD) since 1992. Their statements say
that they ignored information that Iraqi WMD may be degraded by 2002 and they would be of no use. Another swerve is that they
say that Iraq lacked the delivery systems for WMD and could not use them. They still will not admit there were no WMD in Iraq
and it was irrelevant whether the Iraqis had proper delivery systems. If there is nothing to deliver, the question of delivery
is null and void. The front page of the Baghdad Observer of June 11, 1995
is just one of the items that proves Iraq had no WMD. It shows a picture of Saddam Hussein in the middle, flanked by two articles
("Iraq’s Cooperation with UN Must Be Rewarded" and "Iraq Pins Hope on Next SC Report to UN Council") in which it is
clearly stated the Iraq said all its WMD were destroyed. However, even this message has been tweaked by current journalists,
historians, and politicians. After the embarrassment of not finding even one gram of WMD, the new story line was that Saddam
hoodwinked the world by keeping them thinking Iraq had WMD when it didn’t. If this was the case, I doubt the two articles
of the front page of the Baghdad Observer would display Saddam with two articles discussing the
destruction of the country’s WMD in 1991 and 1992. When one looks back at statements and articles by Iraqis during the
period of 1991 to 2003, it is uncanny how accurate they were. On the other hand, much of what the U.S. put forward has been
shown to be outright lies. For instance, in October 2002, the U.S. issued a document called "Key
Judgements: National Intelligence Estimate." It concluded that Iraq was constantly developing its stockpile of WMD and, at
times, maintained that the 2002 inventory of Iraqi WMD may be larger than that of the country prior to 1991. The report included
many doomsday scenarios. This document was publicised world-wide. Virtually every daily newspaper
in the U.S. carried it, or excerpts from it. Many foreign countries saw it as well and it helped convince some leaders who
were on the fence about whether to support a war or not to come aboard the U.S. ship. In looking at the document today, one
would have a hard time finding even one bit of truth. Even U.S. administration officials admitted it was way off; after the
illegal invasion, of course. On the other hand, in November 2002, the Iraqi Foreign Minister, Naji
Sabri, sent a letter to the Unite Nations refuting the report. Then, he gave in detail the standing of Iraq in regards to
its WMD. He mentioned when they were destroyed and how programs were never re-started. The U.S. called the letter a big lie
and condemned the Iraqis for again trying to pull the wool over the eyes of the world. In looking at the letter today, it
is extremely accurate in every detail. Sabri's letter received little attention, other than the obligatory
denouncement by the U.S. Few people read it. When Iraq and the U.S. shared diplomatic ties in the 1980s, Nizar
Hamdoon was the Iraqi Ambassador to the U.S. In Washington, he was well-regarded and built many friendships. In the 1990s,
with no diplomatic ties between the two countries, Hamdoon was called back to action and served as the Iraqi Ambassador to
the U.N. In 2000, he was replaced and called back to Baghdad to serve in the Foreign Service. Hamdoon was very visible in the U.S. and many people remember him
from television appearances, although he was usually lambasted by interviewers. His was a lonely job. On July 4, 2003, a few
months after the illegal U.S. invasion of Iraq, Hamdoon died of cancer. Let's to back to the latter part of 1998. The U.S. was accusing Iraq
of concealing the most deadly chemicals on Earth and in December, Clinton ordered the bombing of Iraq and called the procedure
Operation Desert Fox. Most people remember this as the "Iraq/U.N. standoff." Even the method of removing the inspectors from
Iraq was a lie. The U.N. ordered the inspectors from Iraq a few days before the bombing, yet the U.S. always stated that Saddam
Hussein kicked them out. During this time, Nizar Hamdoon wrote an op-ed piece for the New York
Times called "A Black Cat in a Dark Room." The paper carried it, yet few people took it seriously. Go back to the time and
refresh your memory and you will see how exact and precise Hamdoon was in his assessment. He did not lie, yet few listened.
He clearly stated that Iraq was free of WMD. "A BLACK CAT IN A DARK ROOM" by Nizar Hamdoon Much has been said and published about recent standoffs between Iraq
and the United Nations arms inspectors. But those criticizing Iraq for suspending its cooperation with the United Nations
special commission on arms inspection, better known as Unscom, give no recognition whatsoever to the underlying reason that
led Iraq to adopt this position. It is time to set the record straight. First, the whole world knows by now that Iraq has lost well over a
million of its people as a direct result of the sanctions that have been in place for eight years. A former president of the
United States, Woodrow Wilson, was chillingly correct when he called sanctions a "peaceful, silent and deadly remedy." U.S.
Secretary of State Madeleine Albright herself characterized them as "the toughest multilateral sanctions in history." Many
critics seem to think the government of Iraq is supposed to stand idle while watching a whole generation of its people melt
away like snowflakes. Second, Iraq has complied with all the fundamental requirements of
disarmament in Security Council Resolution 687. Unscom itself admitted this reality in its April 11, 1997 report to the Security
Council when it said, "The accumulated effect of the work that has been accomplished over six years since the cease fire went
into effect between Iraq and the coalition is such that not much is unknown about Iraq's proscribed weapons capabilities."
But the United States and Britain refuse to recognize this fact. Their role in preventing the Security Council from closing
the clearly done nuclear file a few months ago is a case in point. The disagreement between Iraq and the inspectors is not on existing
weapons. No weapons or sites have been discovered by the Unscom inspectors on their own since 1991. Those that have been found
have been produced by the Iraqi government itself. Rather, the recent disputes involve paper documentation that precedes the
gulf war. Those issues can be pursued in the context of the already established ongoing monitoring regime. There are two main questions that need to be asked when assessing
Iraq's compliance with disarmament requirements: does Iraq still possess proscribed weapons or the means to produce them,
and is the monitoring process working? The answer is no to the first, yes to the second. Unscom's allegations about documentation
are nothing but excuses to manufacture a crisis whenever one is needed to prolong the sanctions. Iraq has said all along that there must be a creative way to reconcile
the two goals: the need for more documentation and the easing of the suffering of the Iraqi people. Unscom, unfortunately,
is insisting on everything or nothing. Iraq will never be able to satisfy Unscom because it is being asked
to prove the negative: that it does not have any more weapons. There is, of course, no way Iraq can prove that it has nothing
if it has nothing. How many more Iraqis will have to die because Richard Butler's team has not yet found another document,
which cannot be located because there is no such document in the first place? The inspectors are searching for a black cat
in a dark room where the cat does not exist. Third, many American officials have stated that even if Iraq complies
with the Security Council's resolutions, the United States will not approve the lifting of sanctions. The declared goal of
Washington is to remove the current government of Iraq. We wonder of this goal is in line with the letter and spirit of international
law and the United Nations resolutions. Iraq continues to believe that the resolutions are used by the United States as a
cover for an illegal political agenda. The allocation of money to the Central Intelligence Agency for subversion in Iraq is
just a unit in this series. One might wonder why Iraq should continue being part of this futile and endless game. Fourth, Ms. Albright claims that every Iraqi receives a daily ration
basket equivalent to the recommended caloric intake of the average American. Perhaps she needs to review the latest reports
by the United Nations and other organizations which state that millions of Iraqi children and women are still suffering and
that the oil-for-food program is not adequate. For instance, the 1998 World Disaster Report by the International Federation
of Red Cross and Red Crescent Societies described Iraq as a country under siege and said 16 to 27 percent of the population
is malnourished. Finally, many high-ranking American officials keep speaking
about Iraq as being a threat to American interests and the region. We would like to assure these officials, and through them
the American people, that Iraqi is eager to live in peace with its neighbors and the world. But Iraq will not submit to intimidation,
bullying and coercion. Peace will come only through dialogue based on mutual respect for the principles of independence, sovereignty
and the observance of international law. YES, THERE WAS LINKAGE In August 1990, after Iraqi troops had crossed the border with Kuwait,
President Saddam Hussein made an offer to order Iraqi troops out of the emirate and return to Iraq. His proposal was quite
simple: he would withdraw troops from Kuwait if discussion of the Palestinian issue could begin. Immediately, George Bush
I told the world that Saddam did not care about the Palestinians and that his offer was bogus. He coined a term that became
a cliché in the West: no linkage. Because few people outside the area knew of the history of the Palestinian
struggle, the perception that Saddam Hussein was not interested in the plight of the Palestinians became part of Western folklore,
disguised as history. From the beginning of the Ba’ath rule in Iraq, Saddam Hussein
consistently mentioned the Palestinians. On June 5, 1975, Saddam Hussein gave a speech about the progress of
the Ba’ath revolution. He told of the importance of defending one’s land, but he also gave it a new slant when
he stated: We should primarily create the belief among young pupils and their
parents that Palestine is part of the Homeland. In other words, there is a difference between just fighting in defence of
the Golan territory, and fighting in defence of the Golan territory for the purpose of liberating Palestine. There is a difference
between fighting just in defence of Al-Anbar in Iraq, and fighting for the purpose of the liberation of Jerusalem. After the cease-fire between Iran and Iraq in 1988, Iraq’s economy
was in terrible shape. On March 28, 1990, an Arab summit was held in Baghdad. Despite the hard times being endured by Iraq,
Saddam Hussein put forth a proposal to help the Palestinians: Brothers, let me tell you an old legend that perhaps some of you know.
One day, disaster struck a little village, and all the villagers were asked to contribute something toward repairing the damage.
In the village lived a very poor man who had no possessions, and the other inhabitants decided not to ask him for anything.
But the poor man approached them and said he would be ashamed not to contribute. He gave the villagers the only thing he possessed
— a copper pot. Well, at this summit, the poor man is Iraq, but we shan’t fail in our duty. We shall give $50
million to Jordan and $25 million to the PLO. That should help to exert moral pressure on those who might be tempted not to
contribute. You all know the sacrifices we have accepted over the years while others fail to respect their agreements. In hindsight, Saddam’s willingness to help support Jordan was
a mistake. It became a haven for U.S. spying operations and was in the forefront of attempting to overthrow the Iraqi president.
However, his contribution to the PLO was earnest and a great help to the Palestinian people. During the embargo years, Saddam Hussein kept up his support for the
Palestinian cause. He contributed $25,000 to any Palestinian family who lost a member while fighting Israel. Even this was
twisted by the U.S. and held against him. During the buildup to the March 2003 invasion, it was widely reported that Saddam
gave money to the families of suicide bombers, therefore, he supported terrorism. The overwhelming majority of funds given
to families of Palestinian martyrs went to families whose members were killed by Israeli military actions. But, that information
did not make its way into Western headlines. Many Palestinians lived in Iraq during the Ba’ath years. They
were treated with respect and led productive lives. That all changed after April 9, 2003. Many were killed and those who had
to stay in Iraq because they had no way of leaving, began to experience horrendous conditions, having no homes and rummaging
through trash cans for enough food to exist. The traitors who were appointed to run the country by Washington D.C. put Palestinians
at the top of their list of those to be hunted. Let’s get current. I don’t have to write about the horrendous
events that have occurred and are still ongoing in Gaza. Many others have. But, where is the outrage from Arab leaders? It is non-existent. When
one does criticize Israel, it is with the audio level of the squeak of a mouse. If Saddam Hussein were alive today, I am sure we would see many news
clips of him displaying his outrage over the current Israeli actions. We would see multitudes of Iraqis volunteering to go
to Gaza to help the Palestinians. I find it inconceivable that the quislings in Baghdad today have not
uttered one word in protest of Israel’s actions. Even Iran, who helped create the terrible situation in Iraq has publicly
denounced Israel (albeit halfheartedly). Yet the Iranian-backed Iraqi "government" has not uttered a syllable. Saddam Hussein considered the plight of Palestine to be the same as
the plight of Iraq. From early in his reign, we see in his speeches his linking the future of both entities. His support of
Palestine was evident from the first day of his presidency until seconds before his death. While the gutless hooded hangman
was putting a noose around Saddam’s neck, the president stated: "Long live Iraq and long live Palestine, Arab and free,
from the river to the sea." A "SADDAM APOLOGIST" On August 22, 2007, Jonathan Schwarz wrote a column for his website, Evidently, Cohen had written a few false statements about Iraq and Schwarz
pointed out his errors. For instance, Cohen said that Saddam Hussein kicked out U.N. inspectors from Iraq in 1998. Also, he
stated that Iraq never publicly admitted it was free of WMD. From reading Schwarz’ account, he is knowledgeable of these subjects
as well as other information concerning the lies about Iraq and Saddam. During the dialogue, Cohen stated, "Why you put so
much faith in the words and deeds of Saddam Hussein is beyond me." Cohen’s response is identical to those of many who, when confronted
with facts, immediately dismiss them because they concern Saddam Hussein. When these people become cornered with reality,
they can only rely on the trump card of denigrating Saddam. One thing about this article stood out: the title. Rarely does a Western
scribe admit that Saddam told the truth and the U.S. lied. Logically, with a track record of lies vs. truth, Saddam should
come out on top in the information war. But, it is so simple that people do not want to believe the truth. For years, I have been writing and speaking about the lies put forth about
Saddam Hussein that were thrust upon him and his regime by the U.S. government and media. Don’t think for one minute
that I have had a smooth and positive experience in defending truth vs. deceit, a much more comprehensive and accurate description
than solely defending Saddam Hussein. In the buildup to Desert Storm, I read or heard about so many preposterous
atrocities attributed to Saddam that I discounted them. Hindsight shows I was right. Only a duped individual could believe
that Saddam enjoyed watching people boil in acid, or that Iraq’s soldiers threw babies from incubators in Kuwait and
they died on the hospital floor. I did not realize that the general public would be sucked into such fables. But, in reality,
there were millions of duped individuals; more than there were people with clear thinking who use logic. In 1992, I decided to write a book on the buildup to and the execution of
Operation Desert Storm. The book, The Sledgehammer and the Ant was published in early 1993. This was my first book and I had to gain publicity, so I arranged various
speaking engagements at bookstores and universities as well as presentations to various social groups. The fun was about to
begin. One of my first engagements was to speak to a Humanist group in San Diego.
The event drew more than 100 people. After my presentation, I took questions and answers. The first person said, "You’re
a paid agent of Saddam Hussein," and he left the building. The next one said, "George Bush should have nuked Iraq," and he
left the building. I was 0 for 2, but I kept calling on people who wanted to make a statement
or ask a question. The third person’s message was a surprise. He stood up, looked at the crowd, and said: You people pride yourself on wanting to know the truth. You always whine
that the government is lying to you. This guy comes and shows real reason to doubt the government, and you make such stupid
statements. You’re a bunch of assholes. He did not leave the room. Then, a few people began to ask legitimate questions.
I realized that speaking to groups would entail sticking up for the Iraqi
government in the subject of truth vs. lies. This was my first experience in seeing that the public still had not understood
the reality of the U.S. propaganda against Iraq and Saddam Hussein. Shortly after, I held a booksigning at a San Diego bookstore. The place was
packed. When I was done, I announced the question and answer segment and did not know what would happen. The first person I called on, a woman who stated that she was Jewish, said,
"I can’t think of anything more scary than Saddam Hussein with an atomic weapon." I quickly remarked, "I can." She then
asked, "What?" My immediate response was, "Israel with 600." Everybody in the room, except the Jewish woman, cheered. After a few engagements, I began to be comfortable in my presentations. I
also realized that I had to have my facts in order so I could rebut any ludicrous statement about Saddam’s lust for
human flesh. I had to have a comprehensive knowledge of the lies and the debunking of them. There was no room for factual
error. Over the years, I gained a reputation of being a Saddam sympathizer. But,
not all the people who listened to me took that as a negative. Every time I spoke, a few people would approach me and tell
me that they held similar views but were afraid to publicly mention them. I told them that it was not my style to be in the
closet. Most thanked me and said I gave them the courage to speak out. During the 1990s, El Cajon, CA, a city of 100,000 people, was the home of
several Iraqi-American clubs and organizations. If I entered an anti-Saddam club with an Iraqi friend, people would whisper
and point at me. I was known to them as a "pro-Saddam" agent. On the other hand, when I entered a pro-Saddam club, people
ran up to me and invited me to their tables and offered me food. Instead of people at tables pointing at me, these Iraqi-Americans
waved to me and gave me a thumbs-up. My initial response in 1990 to ignore the ridiculous allegations against
Saddam Hussein were prompted by common sense, not research. Today, I can say that I have put in thousands of hours of research
on Iraq and its struggle against U.S. imperialism and that my sixth sense in 1990 has been corroborated by my scrutiny. Many journalists who opposed the March 2003 invasion of Iraq have written
about the excellent Iraqi education system prior to the bombing of the country in 1991. But, there is always a disclaimer.
A standard statement is, "Iraq had a fine education system. Don’t get me wrong, I’m not sticking up for Saddam
Hussein." This illogic is a main reason why Iraq was destroyed by the U.S. One cannot speak of the former education system
of Iraq without attributing it to the legacy of Saddam Hussein. The education system was outstanding because of, not despite,
Saddam Hussein. Not everybody denigrated Saddam. The late Jude Wanniski, former associate
editor of the Wall Street Journal, wrote tens of thousands of words defending Saddam Hussein. He did his research and
debunked every lie put out against the Iraqi president. The truth about Iraq and Saddam was a passion for Wanniski. Wanniski challenged each and every politician who made preposterous statements
about Saddam. Not one could refute Wanniski other than accusing him of being a "Saddam dupe." The automatic denigration of someone who says anything good about Saddam
Hussein has led to the atrocities occurring in Iraq today. All one has to say is "Saddam did it" and the subject then is closed.
With no opposition, the myths become facts. I interviewed Captain Eric May, a former U.S. Army intelligence officer about
the deception put forth by the U.S. government about Iraq. Here is a question I asked him and his reply: ML: In your opinion, did the U.S. do anything positive in removing Saddam
Hussein and his government? CM: You remember the first year of the war, the commentators were saying
to the naysayers, "Well, what do you mean? Are you saying they’d be better off if Saddam was still in charge?" That
was something that shut everybody up because, one year into this, everybody was still believing the myth that we freed the
Iraqis. At this point, the reason why nobody asks if they’d be better off with Saddam in power is that it has been so
transparent to anybody, except a Republican clone, that they were much better off when Saddam was in power. Captain May hit the nail right on the head. To this day, if one wants to
shut up a war critic, all he/she has to do is say, "Well, at least Saddam is gone," and the discussion ends. It is precisely because Saddam is gone that Iraq is in such a diabolical
state: a condition that may be irreversible. To some Iraqis, the country of Iraq no longer exists. There is sound reasoning
and evidence to justify this theory. Recently, Eric Margolis, an internationally-known foreign correspondent,
was interviewed about Iraq. He made the point of truth vs. lies as he stated that President Saddam Hussein told the truth
about WMD and President Bush and Vice President Cheney lied. He pulled no punches. Then, he added the most important aspect
of the argument; an aspect that is not even considered a possibility with today’s U.S. government. Margolis said that
there is much speculation and jockeying for position among the newly-converted anti-war Democrats as to who is more anti-war.
But, not one has said, "The war was wrong." This has been my point since March 2003. Not one U.S. politician has said
"The war was wrong." They only criticize the war strategy, not the concept of the war. Those of us who have researched the subject of Iraq in detail must repeatedly
state "The war was wrong." We must do it in an unapologetic manner. When speaking of the positive aspects of Iraq prior to
its destruction by the U.S., we must not use qualifying statements such as, "I’m not sticking up for Saddam." The facts
must be put forth without an apology. Most importantly, we must say, "Iraq was better off under Saddam," over and over again. If the truth about Iraq is not allowed to be heard without qualifying statements,
the truth will be lost. If the truth is lost, there will be more horrendous U.S. attacks against innocent countries in the
future. The script is the same each time: demonize a leader and the public will think the U.S. has launched an epic battle
against the most diabolical person in history. It worked with Ghadaffi; it worked with Noriega; it worked with Aidid; it worked
with Milosevic; and it certainly worked, and still is working, with Saddam Hussein. My conscience is clear. In all my writing about Iraq, I never qualified a
statement or apologized for my words. If telling the truth and exposing the lies about Iraq and its government earns me the
moniker "Saddam defender," "Saddam apologist," "Saddam dupe," so be it. At least I did not sell out or succumb to the lies
or find myself in a position of assisting the pro-war and imperialist agenda of the U.S., all the time being an opponent to
the war. (Note to Einar: I have received some e-mail messages from you, yet when I
try to return a reply, I get an "undeliverable" message. For some reason, although I had no problem in the past, my e-mail
server won’t send messages to your address even though I receive them from you.) COLUMBUS AND APPLES "In fourteen ninety-two, Columbus sailed the ocean blue," began the
annual ditty in U.S. elementary schools in the 1950s and 1960s. Reciting this poem was an obligatory performance that was
followed by the kids taking out their Crayola crayons and illustrating Columbus and his three ships; the Nina, the Pinta and
he Santa Maria. All the depictions of Columbus showed an honorable and brave man:
one worthy of the accolades given him. For years, the common question in kids’ schools was, "Who discovered America?"
Naturally, the answer was "Columbus." We just had a federal holiday in the U.S. in honor of the great navigator.
However, for the past few years, the size and number of celebrations of Columbus have diminished considerably. After some years, it became evident that Columbus did not discover
anything. People with villages, governments, trading operations and transportation were already there. Then, we learn that
Columbus was in the wrong place. He thought he had reached India, hence the misnomer of Indians being thrust on the native
population. What Columbus did was open up a route for European nations to follow
in his footsteps and travel to North and South America. Instead of Columbus being the discoverer of America, he, in fact,
was the first soldier in the battle for stealing North and South America from its inhabitants. When the smoke cleared, about
30 million Native Americans had died because of the European explorers and their following generations. Some Native Americans
were outright killed by weapons and others died from diseases they had never encountered. Columbus was the initiator of one
of the most deadly holocausts in world history, only being outdone by the deaths of African-Americans in the slave trade over
the centuries. Once the initial discovery of Native Americans was heralded, the Catholic
Church became involved. Instead of just plundering the Western Hemisphere of its riches, the native savages had to be converted
to Christianity. If they refused, they were killed. If they accepted, they were allowed to live in slavery. In my area of southern California, there was a large number of Native
Americans who belonged to the Kumeyaay tribe. They were devastated. Their villages were burned and many were killed. The survivors
who chose the path of Christianity were enslaved in the Catholic missions and on ranches. Instead of being ashamed of such a past, there are many missions throughout
California that are kept up as tourist attractions. San Diego has several missions from the 18th century that welcome
tourists from all over the world. Even the city’s major league baseball team denotes this past: the San Diego Padres.
The team logo shows a priest (padre) wearing the typical clothing of the heyday of the missions. For years, Columbus Day has been a holiday in the United States. Almost
every community holds a parade. The Italian-American clubs, the Knights of Columbus, and the Sons of Italy all come out in
commemoration of their most notorious national hero. In the 1990s, however, things began to change. In 1991 in San Diego,
a counter Columbus Day parade occurred on the border with Mexico. Thousands attended, especially those San Diegans of Hispanic
heritage. Since then, the annual parade and demonstration has outdrawn the official Columbus Day parade held in downtown San
Diego. Three years ago, Hugo Chavez, president of Venezuela, had heard enough
about the merits of Christopher Columbus. That year, October 12, in Venezuela, was officially called "Indian Liberation Day."
This has been a very popular change in Venezuela. Bolivia is also attempting to set the record straight. On October 12 of
2006 year, Bolivia’s president, Evo Morales, held a conference with Native American delegates from all over North and
South America. Let’s get back to San Diego. The once strong Kumeyaay tribe
has been splintered into smaller segments; each with a name and the Kumeyaay designation. For instance, those Native Americans
living in the Lakeside area of the county are the Barona Band of the Kumeyaay Nation. Other local tribes are the Campo tribe,
the Sycuan tribe, the Jamul tribe and the La Posta tribe. They are all Kumeyaay, but have been split by the white man. In the early 1990s, all the San Diego tribes were dirt poor. Then,
they became involved with casinos. Today, most are very rich and have powerful political clout. After all, they donate much
money to local economies and offer thousands of jobs. With this quick turnaround, one would think it would have helped the
Native Americans restore some of the pride they lost centuries ago. This has not been the case. The Barona tribe now has a huge casino; a multilevel luxury hotel;
a championship 18-hole golf course; and several gourmet restaurants. They are rolling in money. After the expansion, the Barona
tribe officially called its business ventures "Barona Ranch and Casino." To a Native American, the term "ranch" is identical
to that of "plantation" for an African-American. It should be the last thing they would want to call themselves. Imagine an
African-American restaurant calling itself "The Plantation." The logic of the Barona tribe eludes me. Let’s go to the Campo tribe. In 1991, one of their committee
members told me that Native Americans have two days a year that are devastating to their pride: Columbus Day and Thanksgiving.
He was very upset how mainstream America celebrates these holidays with no thought to the feelings of Native Americans. In September 1992, the Campo tribe purchased the weekly newspaper
of which I was the editor. This was the first adjudicated newspaper in the U.S. owned by a Native American tribe. I thought this was a wonderful mix. The tribe kept me on as editor
and I assumed I would be able to write about Native American history and other sociological issues concerning natives. Each
day, I would hear tribal committee members denigrate white people. Most of the time, they were right and I agreed with them.
"The lying white man," "The white man’s justice," etc. were terms that I heard frequently. I wrote a feature article concerning the prior year’s anti-Columbus
Day parade and thought the committee would like it. They were now the publishers, so I showed them my articles before they
went into the design stage of the newspaper. When they read my article, which actually was quite mild, they went through the
roof. "We can’t print this," said the chairman. I asked, "Why?" He bellowed, "It will upset the white man." The prior
publishers (two middle-aged apolitical white women) would have had no problem with the article. I had two emotions after this experience. The first was the hypocrisy
of denigrating the white man and then not wanting to publish an article that may "upset the white man." The second was a sadness
of the total lack of pride these Native Americans had. Before the Campo tribe bought the paper, I learned of a term for Indians
who suck up to the white man: apple. An apple is red on the outside and white on the inside. A similar analogy would be the
term "Oreo" that was affixed to African-Americans who cowered to the white man decades ago: an Oreo (an American snack item)
is black on the outside and white on the inside. My days at the newspaper were numbered. It folded a few weeks later
because of a total lack of competence on the part of the publishers. But, I saw first-hand what an "apple" was and it was
disgusting. Since then, the Campo tribe has gained money from its own casino.
Many once-poor Native Americans are now experiencing a fruitful life in southern California. However, the spokespeople for
the tribes now sound like Rush Limbaugh. They support and sponsor many pro-war demonstrations and parades and tell how proud
they are to be Americans. I have spoken to a few tribal members who are not on committees and they have told me of their disgust
of the hypocrisy of their leaders solely to gain financial benefits. And, here’s the biggest irony: the first building one sees when
he/she enters most of the San Diego County tribal lands is a huge Catholic Church. THE DAY THE COLD WAR CAME TO LA MESA In 1983, I moved back to my home country, the United States, after
having spent the prior eight years living in England and The Netherlands. What I thought would be a seamless transition of
culture has turned into a 26-year odyssey. The country had changed immensely from 1975, the year I left for Europe. I am still
trying to find out what went wrong. In addition, I moved to one of the most conservative areas of the
nation: San Diego County. By 1984, I saved enough money to open my own business. In the U.S.
I had worked in the sporting goods trade for years, so I thought this would be a natural business for me to start. Because
the weather is almost tropical in the area, golf and tennis are played year-round, so I highlighted those two sports. I found an area of La Mesa, a small city bordering San Diego, that
had a quaint look to it and was not as commercial-looking as the numerous strip malls. Little did I know that this portion
of La Mesa was distrustful of outsiders and was laden with racists. I went to the city hall and gathered the paperwork necessary for the
knowledge of building codes. My building fit all the necessary rules. Most of the businesses were painted in a dull beige
or rust color, so I decided to turn mine into a tri-shade of blue, both inside and outside. About a week after I opened the business, I received a call from a
city official. She was terse and asked, "When are you going to paint your building?" I explained that I had just finished
the painting. Then, she said it was the wrong color. We went back-and-forth over this and she admitted that there was no stipulation
about the color, but the area tried to keep its "traditional" look intact. Fifty years prior, there was only a dirt road in
the area, so I told her, "The only traditional look of La Mesa would be tepees and covered wagons." She was irate. I could see now that some of the local businesses were trying to undermine
me. When I went to get my business license, the city planning board denied it. When I asked why, they said, "Your sign is
on a building wall and our rules stipulate that a sign must not be a part of a building wall." I went back to my store and checked out their allegations. My sign
consisted of several sheets of plywood erected above the building wall and held up by wooden planks inserted at an angle into
the roof. Then, I checked out other businesses in the area and discovered that about 90% of them were out of code. My store
was one of the few that adhered strictly to the code. I went to the library and found a document from an international meeting
in 1913 that set the standards of a building wall for international interpretation. I again visited the planning commission and told them that my sign
was not part of the building wall. One member said, "We say it is." I then opened up the document explaining the definition
of a building wall and they all turned their heads away and one said, "We don’t want to see it." When I mentioned that
90% of the businesses in the area were out-of-code, they told me, "We don’t care. We’re talking about you business,
not anybody else’s. I knew a lawyer in San Diego from the law firm for which my wife worked
as a paralegal. I told her my story. She said, "Let me make a call." A few minutes later, she called me and told me to pick
up my business license. In her discussion with the planning group, she brought up the point of "prejudicial application of
the law" and inferred a lawsuit was imminent. The planning group quickly changed its assessment of my business. I had a nice business going; nothing to make me rich, but I met a
lot of people and thew work was interesting. Soon after I opened, an incident occurred that did not sit well with the other
business owners. A black customer bought a set of golf clubs from me and soon after, many black customers came into my store
with business card in hand. The first black customer spread the word that there was a golf shop that wouldn’t screw
black customers. The section of La Mesa in which I was located saw very few black people.
If one happened to be walking down the street, every business owner would stand in front of his/her store and give a dirty
look, letting the black person know he/she was not welcome in this area of town. When blacks began to become regular customers,
I would wait until they got in my store and then take a walk out front. Sure enough, there were store owners staring at my
store. I used to holler, "Anything wrong? Is my store on fire or something?" Quickly, the cowards disappeared into their own
businesses. By 1988, I had variuos interesting regular customers who stopped my
almost daily just to talk. They were not the standard conservative element that inhabited the area. Some were black; some
had long hair and beards; some males had pony tails; and some of the females did not dress in the subdued manner that was
expected in La Mesa. But, the owners begrudgingly accepted me and I did not confront them unless confronted first. A rumor was spreading that a major movie was in progress and the street
on which my store was located would be the scene of a glorious parade in which the hero rode at the head of the parade with
the city mayor. I called the La Mesa Chamber of Commerce and was told this was true. Then, I asked if the movie company would
be compensating the business owners for the wear and tear that their buildings would suffer. The Chamber said that the production
company would not compensate any business. I then called the movie company. An official stated that about $10,000
was allocated to the La Mesa Chamber of Commerce for the use of the portion of La Mesa Boulevard where my store was located.
I smelled a rat. It was evident that the La Mesa Chamber president, Gordon Austin, who was slicker than 10 eels, would pocket
the money along with one or two accomplices. I asked about the storyline of the movie and the company told me that
Sidney Poitier and River Phoenix were the stars and that Richard Benjamin was to be the director and the title was "Little
Nikita." This was no amateur production. They added that River Phoenix was to play a U.S. teenager about to embark on a college
career and he discovered his parents were Soviet spies. Poitier was the FBI person who would unveil the plot and Phoenix would
turn his parents in. And, Gordon Austin, the CEO of the La Mesa Chamber of Commerce, was slated to play the part of the mayor
of La Mesa, although the town was called Fountain Grove in the movie. In other words, this was another standard fare commie-bashing
movie. The day before the filming, a huge crew showed up with trucks laden
with U.S. flags and red-white-and-blue banners. I watched as store-after-store was adorned with these patriotic symbols. They
went up the opposite side of the street and began to come down my side of the thoroughfare. The store next door, called "Pretty
and Plump," had just undergone its makeover. The employees stood out front and were mesmerized by the transformation. Then, I heard a voice say, "Great, this store already has a place
for a flagpole." He was speaking of my store. When his crew began to insert the flagpole in the bracket, I stopped them. I
told the head of the crew, "There will be no U.S. flag on my store." He ignored me and I repeated myself loudly. He asked,
"Who are you?" I said, "I own the fucking place." He then sarcastically asked, "What to you want, a Russian flag?" I responded,
"No flags. Isn’t that quite easy to understand." "How about an Italian flag?" he queried. My employee was a young woman who had at one time been though rehabilitation
for methamphetamine addiction. She was now clean. She asked the guy, "Why don’t you take another snort, asshole?" Then,
she explained to me that he was all juiced up. "Look at your nose," she told him. At that time, I knew little about the indications
of whether someone was on speed or not. I have seen so many people who used the stuff since then that I can spot someone who
is, or was, heavily into methamphetamine with ease. Finally, the production guy said, "You just wait. I’ll take
care of you." He then went to find a Chamber of Commerce official. By now, a crowd was building, including many of the local
business owners. Moments later, a crass-looking woman asked the production person,
"Where’s he at? I’ll fix him." She didn’t know that I was standing right next to her. I asked, "Who the
fuck are you going to fix?" She snapped, "You watch your language." I then said, "My language is correct. I used a verb, noun,
and object. But, you exhibited the epitome of stupidity in asking a question with a ludicrous redundancy: ‘Where’s
he at?" Her face was beet red and she was irate, yet she had little to say because she would have looked even a bigger fool
than she was. Then, I gave my assessment of the situation. I loudly stated, "I don’t
want any fucking flag on my building and neither do I want any of the red-white-and-blue ribbons. I don’t care if every
building on the block is adorned in such a manner, but don’t touch my store." Some of those assembled were put out by my lack of "patriotism," but
I quickly changed the subject and told them they were being cheated. I stated, "The La Mesa Chamber of Commerce is getting
paid $10,000 by the movie company for using La Mesa Boulevard as the parade scene. Yet, the Chamber told me they were receiving
nothing. The production company told me about the remuneration. In other words, none of you will get shit out of this, but
this woman and Gordon Austin will be lining their pockets with cash. Think about that." Within seconds, the woman left my store in a huff. Following her were
several local business owners asking questions about the financing they heard was non-existent. The woman waved her hands
back and forth and told them she had no comment. The day of the filming was hectic. La Mesa Boulevard was lined with
thousands of people. The casting department put out a message calling for people to participate. They did not get paid, but
some were content to be able to say they were in a movie. Throughout the scene, I stood in my doorway with my employee next
to me. We both had our arms crossed and looked at the event for what it was: a staged movie that portrayed xenophobia and
resulted in a few local officials getting their palms greased. I never saw the movie because I would not waste my money on such trash.
But, I knew someone who had a videotape of it and asked if I could watch a portion. I fast-forwarded the tape to the parade
scene. There was La Mesa Boulevard laden with people standing and sitting in front of stores adorned with red-white-and-blue
cloth, paper, cardboard, and flags. Right in the middle of the businesses, La Mesa Golf, Tennis, Etc. was plainly seen only
with its tri-color blue paint. It stood out like a sore thumb, but it looked far better than any of the contrived stores that
surrounded it. If you ever see the videotape of this movie, or know someone who has one, check out the parade scene. I had
a major role in its depiction, yet you will never see my name on the list of credits.
THE REVENGE OF THE APOSTROPHE For years, I have been aghast at the misuse of the apostrophe in the
English language. The punctuation mark is used primarily for two reasons: to denote the possessive of a word, or to contract
a noun and a verb. One example would be, "The dog’s owner." In this instance, a person could easily determine that the
dog belonged to someone. Without the apostrophe, the sentence would not make sense. To denote a sentence in which an apostrophe
would be appropriate for contracting a noun and a verb, "The dog’s taking a leak on a fire hydrant" would depict an
accurate occurrence. Again, taking out the apostrophe would make one question the meaning: are there many dogs urinating and
the verb ‘are" is missing would be a logical question. By far the worst offender of words using apostrophes consists of the
words "its or it’s." This is something that does not fit into set rules. "It’s" is a contraction for "it is,"
not a word to denote possession. "Its" is the word that depicts possession. In the past 10 years, of the hundreds, or thousands,
of times that I’ve seen these words used, the majority are wrong. By far, the biggest culprit is using "it’s"
to describe the possessive. So what, you may ask? Anyone with more than a sixth grade knowledge of the English language would
look at the incorrect word "it’s" and ask "it is what?" But, the misuse has taken hold in such a way that few people
know the difference or care to. Then came the use of apostrophes to denote the plural of words, instead
of possession or a contraction. "Dogs became "dog’s." "Cars became "car’s." The list is long and tedious. One
does not have to speak faultless Shakespearean English to be confused about these quandaries. Year-after-year, the number
of words that are inserted with apostrophes to denote the plural are increasing. Unfortunately, the number of people who say
‘So what?" are increasing at the same rate. On September 4, 2009, the renowned British author Keith Waterhouse
died. He was a prolific author and journalist. I did not read many of his works, but his most famous was Billy Liar,
a book that was made into a movie and a television series. He also wrote the TV series "That Was the Week that Was," a groundbreaking
satirical look at British politics. When I read his obituary, I discovered that Waterhouse was outspoken
about the misuse of apostrophes. In fact, he began and organization called the Association for the Abolition of the Aberrant
Apostrophe (AAAA). Members included other journalists who decried the downfall of the use of the apostrophe. At first, I thought the increasing misuse of the apostrophe was unique
to this side of the Atlantic. Most U.S. citizens have a hard time composing a three-sentence paragraph. With the advent of
Internet communication, with all its illogical abbreviations and smile logos, I began to assess these aberrations as the beginning
of the downfall of the English language. If enough mis-uses and stupid abbreviations came into play, it would be impossible
for someone from Des Moines, Iowa to communicate with someone from Dultuh, Minnesota. I am by no means a strict purist on
the use of the English language, but once each person begins to take shortcuts, soon the language will be incomprehensible,
when the whole idea behind the use of language is to make a common method of communication. I was wrong on that one. A few years ago, as I began to receive more
and more e-mail messages from old acquaintances from Britain whom I knew decades ago, I saw the same aberrations. Evidently,
today in Britain, greengrocers (fruit and vegetable market owners) are the worst offenders of this new lack of accuracy in
the use of apostrophes (not apostrophe’s). Included below is an article that appeared in the British newspaper the Daily
Mail last year. It is quite long but is well worth the time to read. I am not usually a person who belongs to groups, but, if Waterhouse’s
AAAA is still up and running, there is a chance I may put in my application. By Victoria Moore This all started with a drink. But it very nearly didn't because when
I looked at the cocktail list in the otherwise swanky Charlotte Street Hotel in London and discovered that martini's (sic)
were £10.50 and classic's (sic) £10.50 I momentarily lost my thirst. The price was bad enough. But did you have to pay extra if you wanted
to have your drink correctly punctuated? And would a martini - mine's made with Plymouth gin, please, very dry, shaken with
a twist - taste as good if it also contained a stray apostrophe? Caught up in a spasm of punctuation-rage I, perhaps slightly aggressively,
asked the poor waitress what those two utterly extraneous apostrophes were doing there. She backed away hurriedly and sent
over the assistant bar manager. Mariusz Szymecki may have been Polish but his
English was fluent. Or almost fluent. 'Both spellings - martini's and martinis - are correct,' he said firmly.
'I know this is right because, when I heard what you wanted to know, I checked it on Google.' On Google? Who in the name of a thousand question marks would rely
on Google to be an authority on anything, least of all a grammatical matter? The internet is awash with misspellings and punctuation solecisms.
Nor is it much better out there in the real world. And the poor apostrophe is the subject of more abuse than any other dot,
dash or squiggle. For decades the nation's pedants have sighed and tutted over the so-called
greengrocer's apostrophe - the one you find on piles of fruit and vegetables advertising the fact that apple's and banana's
are for sale by the pound or kilo when no apostrophe is required to complete the plural. If only apostrophe errors were confined to market stalls! Instead
they have spread like a contagion, infecting public signs and notices, literature from reputable institutions, menus and shop
signs - not to mention press releases, letters and emails. According to a new study, the apostrophe causes more problems than
any other punctuation mark. Almost half of 2,000 adults who sat a simple test were unable to use it properly. But is anyone really bothered? On Newsnight last week even the great
interrogator Jeremy Paxman seemed prepared to shrug off the apostrophe problem, saying: 'Maybe it's redundant now.' Or if
Paxo had his way, 'maybe its redundant now'. Nonsense! It may be under threat, but we should stand up for the simple
apostrophe. We should defend its honour - as the Daily Mail's own Keith Waterhouse has done for some time, with his organisation the AAAA ( Association
for the Annihilation of the Aberrant Apostrophe). I decided to spend a day policing apostrophes. Surely if people realised
the error of their ways they would be moved to do something about it, wouldn't they? I am barely awake when I stumble on my first howler, on the sandwich
board outside the Shiraz Cafe, a greasy spoon on Hammersmith Road, West London, between my flat and the office, advertising
'pasta's, jacket potato's and panini's'. Inside, Roshi, the Iranian proprietor, smiles beatifically when I
inform her of the problem. 'I don't care,' she says mildly. But I do, I say. I don't add that
the sight of an airborne curl of black where there should only be the white of the page stirs in me feelings of biliousness.
I had worried that this might be a bit of an overreaction, until I read popular grammarian Lynne Truss on the subject. Strict: If you still persist in writing: 'Good
food at it's best', you deserve to be struck by lightning according to author Lynne Truss 'No matter that you have a PhD and have read all of Henry James twice,'
writes Truss in her bestselling Eats, Shoots And Leaves. 'If you still persist in writing: 'Good food at it's best', you deserve
to be struck by lightning, hacked up on the spot and buried in an unmarked grave.' Goodness. Fortunately, wandering around Hammersmith, Kensington and
Notting Hill I don't find a single aberrant it's. I do, however, find wheelbarrows full of greengrocer's apostrophes. There
is one at an odds-and-ends shop advertising 'Pashmina scarf's' for £3 each. 'Yeah,' says a shop assistant when I take him to task on it. 'I know
it's wrong. But someone else did that sign. He left about a month ago. We might get round to changing it.' There are several more offenders on the menus of nearby cafes and
bars. There is even one, threatening to 'copy plan's', plastered on the window of Copywell, a printing and copying centre.
Surely it should be incumbent on a printer to put his apostrophes
in the right place. I drag a charming young graphic designer called Anam Islam out on to the pavement to show him the problem. 'Yeah, that is wrong,' he admits. 'And I did that one. It's funny
because I was watching a documentary on apostrophes the other week and thought that I always got them right.' Perhaps one of the reasons we remain so confused about the apostrophe
is that it is relatively new to our language. The last punctuation mark to be standardised, it has been around in its present
form for about 150 years. The Oxford English Dictionary says the first record of the actual
word 'apostrophe' in English is in Shakespeare's late 16th century play Love's Labour's Lost and that it is rooted in the
Greek for ' turning away, or elision'. This makes perfect sense: originally an apostrophe's job was merely
to indicate the omission of letters, and this remains one of its most basic - and easily understood - tasks. You need only think of contractions such as can't and daren't, dates
such as the '80s or poems such as A Red, Red Rose by Robert Burns - 'Till a' the seas gang dry my dear/ And the rocks melt
wi' the sun' - to see how it works. And yet for some reason many people seem to find it tempting beyond
belief to apply apostrophes to a word as if they were visual garnish. It's not just fruitsellers who do this: a barrister friend shows me
a letter to a judge positively strewn with extra apostrophes. Plurals of abbreviations or acronyms are particularly prone to this
treatment. How many times have you seen a sign offering CD's? And another friend, a policeman, tells me he often comes across
ASBO's. Serial offender: Greengrocers are regular offenders
when it comes to putting apostrophes in the wrong place. But worse than that, after popping into Nationwide Building Society
to pick up a leaflet on savings, I find it blithely expounding on the subject of ISAs (fine) but also ISA's (not fine). I phone the press office to remonstrate. 'The apostrophe shouldn't
be there, no,' admits a jolly man on the end of the line. 'It would appear to be human error, though rogue apostrophes do seem
to be increasingly prevalent. We'll try to remember to take it out on the next print run.' By now I have been staring so hard all day at apostrophes that I am
beginning to lose it. I can see them when I close my eyes, crawling like dark, specky insects across my retina. And I haven't even tackled their possessive use yet. According to the latest study, this is where people really struggle.
Most of us are fine with the fact that, as well as missing letters, apostrophes are used to indicate possession. So, the bike belonging to the boy could be written as 'the boy's bike'.
But what if the boy's name is James? Do we refer to James' bike? Or
to James's bike? It started with a drink: Victoria Moore's rage
about misplaced apostrophes began when she saw martini's (sic) were £10.50 on a hotel menu And what if there are several boys, all with bikes? When brain is
engaged, most people are happy that the correct answer is 'the boys' bikes'. But for some reason we are not entirely comfortable with this end-of-word
apostrophe, particularly when it falls at the end of a sentence. It's an aesthetic objection and we deal with it by. . . just missing
off the apostrophe. Because we feel like it. Here are two examples: Visitors Toilet (seen in a hospital); Parents Association
(countless schools). As I am musing on this, an email arrives from a PR contact inviting
me to a Ladies Social Evening. Just as I finish emailing prissily back, 'Dear Ellie, Shouldn't it
be Ladies' Social Evening?' my friend Tanya phones. 'Oh God, who cares about apostrophes?' she says, 'I think people who are
uptight about them probably make terrible lovers.' Is there a chance I am taking this too far? John Richards does not think so. Based near Boston in Lincolnshire,
he is a retired journalist with bushy eyebrows and an absolute intolerance of misplaced apostrophes. 'It makes me feel despair more than rage,' he confides. 'I set up
the Apostrophe Protection Society four years ago. I have tackled people in person. Usually offenders just get letters. I've
sent out thousands. You can only plug away.' Mr. Richards blames ignorance and laziness for our troubles. He is
engaged in a minor squabble with the proprietor of a local teashop who insists on offering customers tea's. 'When I asked him about it he said he wouldn't change it because he
thought it looked better with one in. What can you do? Needless to say, I haven't been in there for a tea or coffee.' But what's this? Mr. Richards has also written a letter of complaint
to the sainted Lynne Truss. He claims she has got something wrong. Before I tell you what it is, perhaps you could try to
answer the following question. Which is correct? (a) Dos and don'ts (b) Do's and don'ts (c) Do's and don't's The answer,
according to Ms Truss, is (c). She says that for plurals of letters and certain words then an apostrophe is required. For example, if you were asking how many s's there are in Mississippi
or talking about the noise a crowd made on bonfire night - 'There were lots of oooh's and ahhh's.' The answer according to Mr Richards is (a). He says: 'Lynne Truss
can write what she likes but she's got to justify why you might use one when there are no missing letters and no possessive
sense. 'There is no role for the apostrophe in plurals at all.' Who will arbitrate? Well, David Crystal, professor of linguistics
at Bangor University, isn't one for taking sides but he does believe that apostrophes in plurals are sometimes necessary.
'What if I ask you to dot your i's and cross your t's? How will you
spell that? If you didn't use an apostrophe you'd have the word 'is' instead of i's.' As he puts it in his book The Fight For English: 'Inserting an apostrophe
is as good a way as any of showing there is an unusual plural.' But Crystal goes further, and makes a good case for there to be a
little more leniency in tricky circumstances. 'Punctuation has always been a matter of trends,' he says. 'Commas,
hyphens, semicolons, apostrophes - all have been subject to changes in fashion. Thinking about these issues as a two-part solution (correct vs incorrect)
doesn't help. 'As with many linguistic issues, there are three solutions - correct,
incorrect and optional (i.e. can't decide!). Pedants forget about context, which is what removes ambiguity in most cases.
For example, in the case of the Parents' Association, there could
be no such thing as an association for one parent, so the apostrophe is simply unnecessary, which is why most people leave
it out. 'The other thing people forget is that when the rules were drawn up
150 years ago, it was by printers who forgot about exceptions - such as some plurals - that had been in the language a long
time.' This is the point at which I decide I have had enough of apostrophes.
Yes, it will still distress me to be offered a list of martini's or cocktail's. But I think in future I may require a more
niche challenge. It's time to protest against the split infinitive. UNREPORTED REPORTS In the past few months, we have seen numerous reports about Iraqi
homosexuals being tortured and killed, many times by agents of the stooge Iraqi government. All the mainstream multi-million-dollar
organizations, such as Newsweek and CNN are cashing in on their supposed "scoops." However, they are three or
four years out of time. In 2005, I, and a few others, notably Pat Sherman and Doug Ireland, wrote extensively about the issue.
It took the mainstream media four years to come out with "revealing information." Before I go into detail about the reporting, both from 2006 and the
current surge in articles being thrust on the public, I would like to address an issue that may throw off some of the importance
of writing about the slaughter of homosexuals. I have read commentaries by people of various nationalities who oppose the
Iraqi invasion by the U.S. and have loudly stated their disgust with the ethnic cleansing of Iraqi Sunnis, Chaldeans and other
minorities, state that they don’t care about homosexuals being targeted in Iraq. They may be opposed to homosexuality
for religious or cultural reasons. But, that is not the issue here. No one has to accept the culture of another to defend
that person’s right to be able to live if he/she is a contributing member of society. I am not homosexual, but I will
fight with all my power to stop a program that allows for the torturing and killing of homosexuals. We shouldn’t be
arguing about the merits or demerits of homosexuality, but about the civil rights of human beings on the Earth. Scientific facts show that about 10% of all humans are born homosexual.
About 10% of all humans are born left-handed. For centuries, any minority has been the target of society’s mainstream.
Until the 1950s, in the U.S., if a kid wrote left-handed in school, the teacher would hit him/her with a stick on the left
hand that created great pain. This was to stop the deviants from pursuing their natural left-handedness. Today, homosexuals are targeted in many countries, but there are signs
of a letting up of violence against them. If you remember, the nitwit president of Iran told the United Nations that there
were no homosexuals in Iran. The audience laughed hysterically at his statement. Homosexuality is not contagious. No heterosexual
person can catch homosexuality. It is a generic trait. I’ll give you a story about my earlier years in which someone
educated me about the point of bigotry and how it backfired on him. When I was 18, I worked in a large company with four buildings.
On occasion, I would be walking to another building and run into the timekeeper, who was openly homosexual. We would talk
about sports and music and then go our separate ways when we reached our destination. He was merely a casual acquaintance. One day, a fellow in his 40s approached me and said that I should
watch out for the timekeeper. I was curious why he was so worried about my welfare. He told me, "He might take you around
the side of the building and try to suck your cock." The thought never occurred to me that he would try to do that. A few days later, another individual whom I casually knew approached
me and said, "I heard what that guy told you the other day about the timekeeper. Let me tell you a story of what I used to
do when I was your age." Getting back to the fellow who used to "roll fags," he continued,
"One Friday night, my friends and I saw a homosexual of average build and about 5’ 8" tall. We thought he would be an
easy target. Well, he beat the shit out of the three of us at the same time. We were laying on the ground, and he stood above
us and said, ‘Don’t you ever try to do that to anyone again.’ The lecture hurt more than the beating. Let
me tell you now, homosexuals are human beings just like everyone else. Don’t listen to those guys who tell you to be
afraid of them." Growing up, I had been misled many times by advice from "adults."
Once you become an adult yourself, you discover how many jerks are out there who mislead younger people. The advice I was
given by the person who retired from "rolling fags" after his thrashing was one of the few good pieces of advice I had ever
received from adults during my teenage years. Now, let’s get to the meat of reporting on the Iraqi pogrom
against homosexuals. In 2005, I reported about Ayatollah Sistani’s fatwah calling
for the killing of homosexuals in the most severe manner. Two weeks later, George Bush called Sistani a man of great courage
and integrity. Reports about the slaughter began to emerge from gays who fled Iraq.
Pat Sherman, a California journalist, contacted me and asked me what information I had. Then, he began to call people and
get their statements about the violence against gays and lesbians. First, Nancy Pelosi dodged the issue and admitted she had
not heard of this. Her official statement was, "I oppose bigotry in all forms." She had power to do something, but evaded
the issue. Barney Frank, a homosexual congressman who is an advocate of gay rights told Sherman he had never heard of what
was happening in Iraq and he would return Sherman’s call within 24 hours. He never called back. Amnesty International
and Human Rights Watch also pled ignorance of any knowledge of homosexuals being killed in Iraq. Today, all the human rights groups, as well as Nancy Pelosi and Barney
Frank are outspoken opponents of the violence against Iraqi homosexuals. Once it became in vogue to oppose the actions, everyone
wanted a piece of the action. When they could have acted four years ago, they were mute. Here’s the big story that is now forgotten. In the articles
that appeared in 2006, Iraqi gays told of the days prior to the March 2003 invasion when they were treated like human beings
under the Ba’ath government. Ali Hili, an Iraqi gay activist who fled to London was a guest on the WBAI-FM radio show,
Democracy Now in April 2006. He told the host, Amy Goodman: Iraq at the time of Saddam was not as bad as we see now. In fact,
we had a bit more acceptance. People were really accepting gays, especially in theater, entertainment and media. We had several
actors and singers which were very popular before. There was no homophobic attitudes toward gays and lesbians. Most of them
were welcome in the community and the society. Each gay Iraqi in the earlier days of reporting on the violence against
them in Iraq told of how they led normal lives under Saddam. One said, "Those were the most glorious days of our lives." But,
as we know, stories like this don’t make good news. The Western press relished anecdotes of Saddam being a butcher. Then, the reporting stopped. About eight months ago, the "Johnny Come
Latelies" began to give the situation much ink. For about a month, one of the standard questions asked was, "What was it like
for gays under Saddam?" They received only responses of praise of the Ba’ath regime. Most reporters wanted the homosexuals
to say that Saddam burned their balls in hot coals, or sliced off their penises. No such stories emerged. In the past three months, I have read myriad reports about the current
effort to erase homosexuals from Iraqi society. However, not one asked the question of the plight of gays under Saddam. The
reporters learned their lessons and never ask the question any more. They probably were told by higher-ups to eliminate the
question from their queries. I have yet to see any reporter mention this aspect of the subtle change of leaving out the question
of the lives of gay Iraqis under the Ba’ath regime. All the human rights groups are now pushing the subject and the
leftist press is inundated with appeals to help Iraqi gays. But, not one word is asked any more about the lives of Iraqi homosexuals
prior to March 2003. The answers would embarrass the faux human rights groups and the milquetoast liberals who pick and choose
their enemies in the same manner that the U.S. and its stooges call the shots of who is the good guy and who is the bad guy.
They are as hypocritical, sometimes more so, than the conservative element they are always denigrating. MISSIONARY IN REVERSE A few years ago, I was speaking with a local author who told me that
her book, North American Martyrs, was about to go through its third printing. She explained that the book was about
six Roman Catholic missionaries who were killed by Native Americans in what is today Michigan in the 18th century. I told her that the title confused me and that a more appropriate
moniker would be North American Terrorists. She was not happy with my remark. As she was explaining the plight of the
missionaries, the words of Chief Pontiac of that area came to mind: "They come with bible in one hand and sword in the other." Mark Twain once made a world speaking tour and chronicled it in his
book Following the Equator. He spoke in many areas that were occupied by Western powers who stole the land from the
indigenous people, all in the guise of saving them through Jesus. Twain was very emotional as he described the sadness and
despair he saw in the native populations. He said that the Western world brought practices and items to these areas that thoroughly
made the locals disheartened and almost in a state of submission. Items such as religion, clothing, a work schedule and a
monetary system based on concepts the locals did not understand. We have recently seen how the U.S. military has combined its deadly
weapons with bibles in making Iraqis and Afghanis submit to foreign ideals. The missionary work goes on unabated. However, there is a case that shows a reversal of the normal Christian
missionary attempting to change the ways of the native populations. Recently, the book Don’t Sleep: There Are Snakes,
by Daniel Everett was published. Everett was a Christian missionary with an aptitude for language skills.
A tribe in Brazil, the Piraha, had never had their language translated into any other. Everett was called on to chronicle
the language and bring the word of Jesus to the savages. In 1980, he made his first trip to a Piraha village and spent almost
a year there. He became very friendly with the people and observed that they were great survivalists. When he began to talk about faith with the locals, Everett seemed
to come up against a brick wall. He explained: I never lost sight of the fact that I was being paid by my missionary
company to translate the bible into the Piraha language. In my free time, I would also talk to the people about my faith. The Piraha have no word for "god," so I translated it as my "high
up father" and that he had made me happy. One asked, "What else does your god do?" I told him that he made the stars and the
Earth. What do the Piraha say? They said they were not made. They have no creation myth. They don’t talk about the distant
future or the distant past. They don’t talk about un-experienced or fictional topics. At first, Everett was confused about the questions he was asked, but
he thought he could eventually convince the natives for their need for Jesus. But, the Piraha became more pointed in their
questioning. One day, a native asked, "What does Jesus look like? Is he dark like us or light like you?" Everett responded,
"I’ve never seen him. He lived a long time ago, but I do have his words." The questions became more difficult to answer.
They said it was impossible to have his words if he hadn’t seen or heard him. Everett added, "They made it clear that
if I had never seen this guy, they weren’t interested in any stories about him." He continued: The Piraha told me they knew I left my own land. They said, "We know
that you do this to tell us about Jesus. You want us to live like Americans, but the Pirahas don’t want to live like
Americans. You can stay with us, but we don’t want to hear any more about Jesus. I had gone to the Pirahas to tell them
about Jesus and give them a chance to choose joy and faith over despair and fear, and to choose heaven over hell. Everett returned to the U.S. to gather his thoughts. He said: I was trying to convince a happy satisfied people that they were lost
and needed Jesus as a savior. They didn’t feel lost, so they didn’t feel the need to be saved either. They are
firmly committed to the pragmatic concept of utility. Instead of trying harder to convince the Pirahas that they needed
help, Everett looked at himself to see if he was in the wrong, not the natives. He explained: The Piraha rejection of the gospel caused me to question my own faith.
There is so much about the Pirahas that I admired. Their quality of inner life; their happiness; their contentment. The Pirahas
had built their culture around what is useful to their survival. My faith seemed a glaring irrelevancy in this culture. It
was superstition to the Pirahas and it began to seem more and more like superstition to me. I began seriously to question the nature of faith: of believing in
something unseen. Sometime in the late 1980s, I came to admit that I no longer believed in any article of faith or in anything
supernatural. I was a closet atheist. It took Everett almost two decades to remove himself from the closet.
When he did, he experienced exactly what he thought would occur: many of his friends left him and his wife of 35 years divorced
him. Two of his three children disowned him. But, he did what he thought was right and did not feel comfortable living a lie. Today, Daniel Everett is a leading linguist. His disagreement with
some of Noam Chomsky’s ideas of linguistics have become controversial reading in the field. A few months ago, his two distant children made peace with Everett
and his new life is very full and interesting. He gives credit to the Piraha for his changes in his views and his current
fulfillment of his desires in life. Recently, the BBC4 radio network reviewed his book on its book-review
program. It is about 10 minutes long and can be seen and heard at the following link: WHAT ABOUT REAL HEALTH INSURANCE? People are hitting the streets in the U.S. in masses. Every day, we
see violent demonstrations. We have seen fights and even guns brandished by some of the protestors. Speakers at "town hall"
meetings have been shouted down to the point that the meeting must cease. The subject of these raucous events is the proposed
overhaul of the U.S. healthcare system by Barack Obama. Let’s be clear about one thing. Obama’s plan is merely
window-dressing for business as usual. The supporters of this scheme maintain the U.S. will finally have a national health
service. This is only lip-service to the administration. On the other hand, the opponents are using outright lies to denigrate
the planned changes. They accuse the Obama administration of bringing socialism to the U.S. Also, they maintain that the new
legislation would require the killing of older people so the government would not have to pay for their health services. Both sides have outright lied about most of the proposed legislation.
There are various articles that have been written that expose the dishonesty of both camps, so I’ll not elaborate on
the falsehoods. Plus, both sides have been generously financed by special interest groups. The figures of the new plan that are being bandied about are astronomical,
up to almost $2 trillion. But, there is little talk of something that could drastically reduce healthcare prices: health. Various estimates put the number of U.S. citizens who are obese at
50-65%. Until a few years ago, tobacco was considered the number one killer of U.S. citizens. That has changed. For the past
few years, problems caused by obesity have created more deaths in the U.S. and a drastic increase in healthcare costs. Are
we seeing and hearing about a national program of health awareness? Of course not. A healthier U.S. would mean decreased profits
for some billionaires. There are myriad websites with very astute information on how to live
a healthy lifestyle. But, they receive little attention compared to the number of overweight Americans. Worse, however, is
the fact that there is absolutely no national program of health awareness coming from the U.S. government (Democrats and Republicans
alike). Nothing. In the U.S., people only pay attention to things they see on TV or
hear on radio that are repeatedly broadcast. Most Americans will tell you (falsely, of course) that Iraq possessed weapons
of mass destruction and also was the force behind 9-11. This subject was run into the ground by the U.S. media. For a national
awareness of one’s health, we need the same kind of relentless publicity, coming from the government itself. Fat chance. Ask any number of U.S. citizens what’s America’s most
popular beer, or who Oprah’s next guest will be, and about 90% will give an accurate answer. But, ask the same people
how many Americans suffer from diabetes and you’ll get either a blank stare or a guess. Maybe one in a hundred will
come close. Current numbers vary from 23.6 million to 24 million U.S. citizens
with diabetes, depending on which study you read. From 2007 to 2009, the number has increased by 15%. Most studies predict
that in 10 years, about 50 million Americans will have diabetes. If this is not an epidemic, I don’t know what is. Just 90 miles south of the U.S., there is a country that is combating
diabetes: Cuba. About 10 years ago, the government began an education program. From the first grade up, Cuban kids learn of
diabetes in school and how to prevent the disease. The Cubans went even further than education: the government began
an organic farming program. Farmers were paid to raise and sell crops to the government, which, in turn, sold them cheaply
to the public. If a farmer had a surplus after selling his goods to the government, he was allowed to sell those privately.
Today, there are more than 7,000 plots occupying more than 81,000
acres on which organic food is farmed in Cuba. Many of these are located in urban areas as well as rural venues. In Havana,
there are more than 200 gardens, some in small spaces between tower block estates, that supply the city’s population
with more than 90% of their fruit and vegetables. The farmers are obligated to farm a certain amount of products for the Cuban
government. The surplus then belongs to the farmers who sell it for profit, which is divided among them. After the Soviet Union dropped Cuba like a hot potato, the island
country found itself without finances. At that time, Cuba imported much of its food, so it had to change its methods to feed
its citizens. The Independent daily newspaper of Great Britain ran a story on August 8, 2006, titled, "The Good Life
in Havana: Cuba’s Green Revolution." According to the article: Twenty years ago, following the collapse of the Soviet Union, Fidel
Castro’s small island faced a food crisis. Today, its networks of small urban farmers is thriving, an organic success
story that is feeding the nation … … Mr. Salcines and his small urban farm at Alamar, an eastern
suburb of the capital, Havana, are at the center of a social transformation that may turn out to be as important as anything
else that has been achieved during Castro’s 47 years in power. Spurred into action by the collapse of the Soviet Union and the disastrous
impact on its subsidized economy, the government of Cuba was forced to take radical steps to feed its people. The solution
it chose — essentially unprecedented both within the developed and underdeveloped world — was to establish a self-sustaining
system of agriculture that by necessity was essentially organic. Laura Enriquez, a sociologist at the University of California, Berkeley,
who has written extensively on the subject of Latin American agriculture, said, "What happened in Cuba was remarkable. It
was remarkable that they decided to prioritize food production. Other countries in the region took the neo-liberal option
and exported ‘what they were good at’ and imported food. The Cubans went for food security and part of that was
prioritizing small farmers." Currently, the population of Cuba suffers diabetes at about 10% the
rate of U.S. citizens who have the disease. Maybe the malady will be eradicated in Cuba someday. In addition to diabetes, obesity creates deadly problems with one’s
heart, lungs, liver and kidneys. But, there is no national program to dissuade people from over-eating or eating processed
foods that create fatal diseases. For instance, a recent report stated that someone at age 30 who eats
one hot dog a day, or the equivalent in a processed meat, will be 21% more apt to have contracted colon cancer within five
years than those who do not adhere to such dietary habits. Another report said that if someone eats two hot dogs a day for
10 years, that person will have a 90% chance of attaining colon cancer. Now, let’s look at some of the crowds who recently have sprung
up to either support or oppose the sleight-of-hand Obama healthcare plan. Most of the people carrying signs and who loudly
state their opinions are obese (see photo at the beginning of this article). Not one is carrying a sign to oppose the eating
habits of U.S. citizens. Recently, a Florida doctor tried to gain the public’s awareness
for a healthy eating regimen. What is his reward? He was fired and is facing lawsuits. According to an article posted on MSNBC
on August 13, 2009, called "Florida Doctor Ousted After Denouncing Donuts:" Dr. Jason Newsom railed against burgers, french fries, fried chicken
and sweet tea in his campaign to promote better eating in a part of the country known as the Redneck Riviera. He might still
be leading the charge if he had only left the doughnuts alone. A 38-year-old former Army doctor who served in Iraq, Newsom returned
home to Panama City a few years ago to run the Bay County Health Department and launched a one-man war on obesity by posting
sardonic warnings on an electronic sign outside: "Sweet Tea Liquid Sugar." He then added signs stating: "Hamburger Spare Tire," "French Fires
Thunder Thighs." He also mentioned Kentucky Fried Chicken by name as he tried to educate the public about the perils of fried
chicken. But, his criticism of donuts did him in. The article continued: Then he parodied "America Runs on Dunkin'," the doughnut chain's slogan,
with: "America Dies on Dunkin'." Some power players in the Gulf Coast tourist town decided they had
had their fill. A county commissioner who owns a doughnut shop and two lawyers who
own a new Dunkin' Donuts on Panama City Beach turned against him, along with some of his own employees, Newsom says. After
the lawyers threatened to sue, his bosses at the Florida Health Department made him remove the anti-fried dough rants and
eventually forced him to resign, he says. (For non-U.S. readers, Dunkin’ Donuts is a nationwide donut
shop that sells dozens of styles of donuts. Currently, there are more than 5,000 Dunkin Donut outlets in the U.S.) A small portion of the U.S. public is aware of the hazards of processed
food and attempt to eat organic items. Unfortunately, they are not widely available. Many towns may offer a "Farmer’s
Market" for a few hours on one day a week in which farmers can sell their goods. Unlike Cuba, however, the prices of organic
food in the U.S. are much higher than those of processed items. In other words, it is a luxury to try to eat healthy food.
The cost of healthcare in the U.S. far exceeds the cost of a preventive
educational program about health for the U.S. public. Imagine if the U.S. called off the war in Iraq for one week. The savings
in money would allow the government to produce and supply the public with healthy organic food. But, there are two problems
with such a plan: 1. Nobody would make a profit, therefore making the plan un-American. 2. Instead of killing people, the
money could be spent on helping people live, again another un-American concept. During the 2008 presidential campaign, both major parties referred
to the mainstream American as "Joe Six-Pack." What a degrading term, yet it was embraced by the public. Despite its abhorance,
the term is quite accurate. Millions of U.S. males sit in front of a TV, swilling beer, and cheer for their favorite football
team, or holler obscenities at the TV when the opponents score. About the only cardiovascular exercise they practice consists
of their lung power and their vocal chords. Just think if these same millions of football fans decided not to watch the Sunday
NFL game and took a walk or a swim and quenched their thirst with fresh fruit juice or water. But, again, that is un-American.
It would be considered a part of a communist plot. I have always maintained that those nations who oppose U.S. hegemony
are wrong in their approach to bring justice to the world. Instead of speaking up against the imperialist actions of the U.S.,
they should keep quiet and out of the radar. Within a few decades, the U.S. public just might eat itself to death. U.S. DEMOCRACY: AN EXERCISE IN FUTILITY "This is America. If you have a gripe, write to your congressperson,"
we’ve been told. After all, we’re no dirty commies and we don’t live under a dictatorship. Most U.S. citizens
have bought into this horseshit. Here’s the reality. During the 2008 presidential campaign, Barack Obama had a webpage
in which he heralded that he wanted to listen to everyone’s opinion. But, there was no e-mail address to send his campaign
a message. The only way one could correspond was to sign up for an Obama Supporters group. Then, the webpage said that Obama
wanted to hear from everyone why they adored him. I signed up and sent in my gripes, never to receive a reply. I didn’t
expect anything else, but at least I went through the motions to be able to say I tried the system and it failed miserably. Let me give you a recent look at correspondence with the system. Don’t
forget, these messages came from and went to Democrats, the supposed party of the people who deem themselves inclusive to
all elements of the U.S. public. I received this message a few days ago from info@barackobama.com: malcom -- Thank you for going the extra mile when it matters the most, (After Mr. Stewart’s message, was a big box on which someone
could click called DONATE.) Here was my response: I wish you had a staff of people who could read. I've sent more
than two dozen messages to you, only to receive a canned response that says you look at all messages. Bullshit. I did receive an answer to my reply: Dear Friend, Due to the extremely large number of email messages we're currently
receiving, we may be unable to respond to your message individually, but we do appreciate hearing from you and hope you'll
work with us as we build America's future together. Organizing for America And people criticize me for stating that the "democratic" system
in the U.S. is a sham and that voting is a futile endeavor. At least I’ve tried and documented experiences that reinforce
my opinion on voting. INGRATES I have lived in three countries and have spoken to people from many
nationalities. All consider human life to be valuable and all are protective of their own countrypeople. However, I have yet
to meet someone of non-U.S. origin who holds the opinion that one life is more important that those of millions of people
who do not share his/her nationality. Welcome to the U.S., a country that not only considers the life of one U.S. citizen
to be superior to multitudes of lives of foreign nationals, but threatens nations who assist the U.S. in returning U.S. nationals
to their homes, even though they have been held under criminal charges. A couple of days ago, former President Bill Clinton became a national
hero once again (he had previously achieved this status with talk show comedians during the Monica Lewinsky affair). He went
to North Korea and gained the release of two U.S. journalists who had been tried and convicted for crimes against the nation
of North Korea. There are those who maintain the two women were innocent, while others point to activities that show their
guilt. One thing is sure: North Korea acted in a benevolent manner in releasing the two reporters. For a few days prior to Clinton’s arriving back in the U.S.
with the former prisoners, we did not hear too much about U.S. gripes against the Koreans. But, it did not take long for the
administration to once again denigrate the same country that released the U.S. citizens. Less than 24 hours after all the news networks reported on the return
of the women, headlines of the day read, "U.S. Warns ‘Provocative’ North Korea." Remember Obama the anti-war person
of a couple of years ago? He’s now the one publicly denigrating North Korea. He could have had the decency to wait a
few days before he began his anti-North Korea tirades, but that would have been un-American. Recently, another event occurred that showed once again that the U.S.
will go to any means to denigrate innocent governments. On August 2, 2009, the U.S. Navy announced that the body of Michael
Speicher had been found in the desert in Iraq. If you remember, Speicher was officially the first member of the U.S.
military to be killed in action in the Gulf War of 1991. It seemed the case was closed. However, over the years, the truth
was turned around and shortly before the March 2003 invasion of Iraq, the U.S. government had rewritten history to say that
Speicher was alive in an Iraqi prison. Administration officials brought up instances of Iraqis seeing him, limping and in
terrible health. In a speech to the U.N. on September 12, 2002, George Bush used the rumors of Speicher’s being held
prisoner as one of the reasons for invading Iraq. Again, the life of one U.S. citizen was worth more than the 26 million lives
of Iraqis. Over the years, many groups were founded for the purpose of gaining
Speicher’s release from an Iraqi prison. Millions of Americans took up the cause. Then, in August 2009, a Bedouin stumbled
across his body in the desert. Speicher was never captured. He was never a prisoner and the Iraqis never tortured him. His
plane was shot down over the western part of Iraq and an unknown local person buried it out of respect. Even after the March 2003 invasion when the U.S. had access to all
of Iraq, harsh words about Speicher’s supposed capture and imprisonment permeated the subject. Senator Bill Nelson of
Florida was at the forefront of denigrating the Ba’ath regime. According to an April 24, 2003 CNN article, "Initials
May Offer Clue to Missing Gulf War Pilot:" "My opinion is that certain ones in this group of 55 (most wanted
Iraqis) have the knowledge of the secret prison system for high-value prisoners, and wherever they find those, that's going
to unlock the secrets of Speicher's fate," Nelson told CNN. For years, we heard, "Saddam did it." But, the reality of Speicher’s
death and the discovery of his body were much more mundane than all the conspiracy theories thrust against the Iraqi government.
From January 18, 1991 until April 9, 2003, the Iraqi government always
maintained it did not recover Speicher’s body and that he was never captured. With all the years of speculation and
the obligatory blaming of Saddam Hussein, now that the truth is out, I have yet to hear one person in the U.S. government
apologize to the former Iraqi government for the fiasco that was created by the U.S. government and a portion of its population.
Not one. In 1995, there was a case of Iraqi benevolence that gained much publicity,
yet still highlighted the ungrateful attitude of the U.S. On March 13, 1995, two U.S. citizens (William Barloon and David Daliberti)
were captured inside Iraq. Both worked for U.S. civilian contractors and maintained they lost their way trying to visit a
friend in Kuwait. At that time, the Iraq/Kuwait border was heavily reinforced by a deep
ditch with towering fences on each side. The pair was well inside Iraq and it would have been almost impossible for them to
have accidentally wandered into Iraqi territory. They were taken to Baghdad and tried on charges of espionage. The
couple received a sentence of eight years in prison. The Clinton administration then began its cover-up efforts. Spokespeople
said the Americans were not spies because they did not have road maps with them at the time of their arrest. Most of the U.S.
public believed the administration’s assessment. There is one aspect that few people took into consideration: spies
do not go on a mission with roadmaps. They have memorized exact locations. If a spy used a roadmap, he/she would be put in
the same category as Inspector Clouseau of Pink Panther notoriety. With two of its citizens, accused spies, in Iraqi hands, one would
think the U.S. would have been a little humble in its attempts to get them released. No such luck. According to Douglas Jehl, author of "Americans in Iraq Given 8-Year
Term," in the March 26, 1995 edition of the New York Times: The swiftness and severity of their punishment prompted strong condemnation
from the Clinton administration, which had warned only on Friday that Iraq could serve no purpose in holding the men. On March 27, 1995, the ante was raised. Steven Greenhouse wrote an
article for the New York Times, "U.S. Vows to Press Hard on Iraq to Free Americans," in which he said: Two Republican presidential candidates, Senator Richard Lugar of Indiana
and Patrick Buchanan, said that the United States should consider using military force to release the two men. For the entire time this story gained headlines, the U.S. press called
Barloon and Daliberti "hostages." There is a substantial difference in meaning between the words "hostages" and "prisoners,"
but the subliminal message created by calling them hostages raised the ire of the U.S. citizens. On March 30, 1995, the Iraqi government allowed a Polish diplomat
and a reporter for CNN to visit the pair in prison. They stated that the prisoners were in good health. On July 17, 1995, Bill Richardson, at the time a U.S. congressman,
visited Baghdad to try to obtain the release of the pair. Saddam Hussein granted a pardon and allowed them to leave Iraq. Despite the act of goodwill on behalf of the Iraqi government, the
U.S. continued a barrage of insults toward the country. Warren Christopher, the U.S. Secretary of State at the time, assured
the public that the U.S. promised nothing in return for the pair’s release. Bill Richardson returned to the U.S. as a hero and was in the media
spotlight, but, his statements about Saddam Hussein changed immensely and he made many jokes about the Iraqi president. During the negotiations, Richardson crossed his legs and had the bottom
of one shoe pointing right at Saddam, who left the room and returned to see Richardson with both feet on the floor. Saddam’s
aides explained to Richardson that the bottom of a shoe was one of the gravest insults in the Arab world. A similar effect
would occur if someone negotiating with the U.S. president held his middle finger aloft during the conversation. When Saddam
returned, the negotiations continued. He was gracious enough to leave the room and allow his assistants to quickly explain
this aspect of Arab culture to the congressman. When interviewed by PBS, Richardson mentioned the incident. Then he
made fun of the affair and said he thought his life may have been in danger and that his Iraqi hosts may have imprisoned and
tortured him for the gaffe. Richardson and the program host laughed and made fun of the Iraqis. Over the next few years, Richardson made many disparaging remarks
about Saddam Hussein: Very few national leaders would have released two convicted spies
with nothing to show in return. There were no "thanks, Saddam" messages coming from the U.S. Instead, Iraq received more threats
and many denigrating remarks from the person who visited the country to secure the release of the two prisoners. Until the
obvious became clear, Richardson maintained that Iraq had stockpiles of doomsday military equipment. One aspect of this scenario was not put in place until long after
Richardon’s visit to Iraq. While he was negotiating with Saddam Hussein, cinemas, bus stops, schools and other venues
were being blown up in Baghdad by terrorists. The perpetrators were eventually caught. They were members of the CIA-backed
Iraqi National Accord (INA), a group of Iraqi exiles who attempted to create chaos in Baghdad in an effort to ripen discord
and sow the seeds for a coup against Saddam Hussein and the Ba’ath government. The leader of the exile group was Ayad Allawi, who later became a
U.S.-appointed prime minister of Iraq. By the time the terrorist attacks in Baghdad were thwarted, about 150 Iraqi civilians
were killed. This reign of terrorism was financed and supported by the U.S. administration. While Iraqi civilians were being killed by a U.S.-sponsored program,
Richardson gained the release of two U.S. prisoners held in Iraq. The current version of Western history of this time makes
Saddam Hussein look like the bad guy and Richardson the good guy. The facts contradict the history. There was one moment in which Saddam Hussein claimed verbal victory
over Richardson. Laura Blumenfeld wrote an article, "A Little Diplomacy Goes a Long Way," for the Washington Post of
December 13, 1996. She stated: After 90 minutes, Saddam granted a pardon. They took pictures and
Richardson joked, "This picture is going to cost me some votes." The Iraqi president retorted, "And you think I look good
— posing with you?" THE CLOSED DOOR Nineteen years ago, incidents occurred in Iraq and Kuwait that changed
the world and thus began the U.S. quest for word domination, an effort that gained momentum and is in full-swing today. According
to the United States, "another Hitler" had just unleashed military forces that were in the first stage of taking over the
world. Kuwait on August 2, 1990, then the imminent fall of Saudi Arabia would create a domino effect in which a madman in
Baghdad would unleash chemical and biological weapons upon the area that would herald the beginning of the end of humankind
on Earth. After all, in April 1990, Saddam threatened to burn half of Israel.
Much of the U.S. press quoted Saddam as saying, "I will make sure half of Israel burns." However, this was only a portion
of the sentence. The full statement read: "If Israel attacks Iraq, I will make sure half of Israel burns." Saddam made reference
to what Iraq would do if Israel used a nuclear weapon to attack Iraq. Immediately, Western officials said, "Look at that madman.
He’s threatening to burn half of Israel." It seems they forgot the first half of the sentence. If Ronald Reagan had made such a statement in reference to an attack
on the U.S. from the Soviet Union, he would have been labeled a patriot. But, Saddam was designated an unstable madman. With the propaganda well in place before Iraq crossed the border of
Kuwait on August 2, 1990, there was little chance that the truth about the Iraq/Kuwait problems would emerge. There was even
less chance that a diplomatic solution would occur, let alone be allowed to begin. Negotiation as a tool to settle the crisis that emerged when Iraq
crossed the border into Kuwait on August 2, 1990 was disallowed by the U.S. From August 3, 1990, the diplomatic door was slammed
shut and nobody could pry it open, despite the efforts of many to negotiate a settlement. You might recall that there was
a term being spread between August 3, 1990 and the start of Desert Storm: "The Nightmare Scenario." This term was used to
describe George Bush’s worst vision: Iraqi troops pulling out of Kuwait. Most Americans view August 2, 1990 as the date that the Iraq-Kuwait
crisis began, but Iraq knew long before that Kuwait was involved with undermining the economy and political structure of Iraq.
Saddam Hussein asked on February 23, 1990 in Amman, Jordan, "Aren’t American ships still patrolling the Gulf even though
the war between Iran and Iraq is over?" He made reference to the presence of the U.S. Navy that was in the Persian Gulf during
the Iran-Iraq War, supposedly to protect merchant shipping. When the war was finished, there was no further purpose for the
U.S. Navy to maintain its occupation of the Gulf, but the fleet remained. The U.S. military presence in the Gulf, combined with the information
that Iraq had acquired concerning Kuwait’s techniques in trying to undermine the Iraqi economy, led Iraq to believe
it was targeted, but Iraq thought a diplomatic conclusion could be reached. On March 3, 1990, Saddam Hussein met with King
Hussein of Jordan in Baghdad. When the conversation turned to the problems between Kuwait and Iraq, Saddam Hussein told his
Jordanian counterpart, "In time, reason and goodwill would finally prevail in this matter." Shortly after, Saddam Hussein
met with Senator Robert Dole and explained his country’s plight to the American lawmaker. When Dole returned to the
U.S. and met with George Bush I, he told the president that Saddam Hussein is "the kind of leader the United States can easily
be in a position to influence." Before the Iraqi intervention in Kuwait, most Arab countries were
concerned about problems that may arise from an invasion. However, the American public was unaware of the months of negotiation
that Iraq had conducted in attempting to defuse the situation. At that time, the American press rarely covered events in the
Middle East unless they involved Israel. When announced that Iraq had crossed the border of Kuwait, most Americans considered
this an unprovoked act of aggression. The ignorance of the American public about the Middle East allowed Bush to turn U.S.
public opinion against Iraq. Another bit of misinformation fed to the American public concerned
the linking of the Palestinian’s plight to Iraq’s pulling out of Kuwait. In August 1990, Saddam Hussein stated
that he would withdraw troops from Kuwait if discussion of the Palestinian question could begin. He was looking to the future
and wanted to address major problems in the Arab world that had been put out of sight by much of the Western world. Immediately,
we heard the term "no linkage." The Bush administration told the American public that Saddam Hussein was using this as a ploy
and that he had never championed the Palestinian cause before. Nothing could be further from the truth. Throughout early 1990, Yasser Arafat was a frequent visitor to Baghdad
and he and Saddam Hussein worked on the two biggest issues of contention in the Middle East — the Palestinian problem
and the Iraq-Kuwait dilemma. On May 24, 1990, King Hussein of Jordan told Saddam Hussein, "At the
next (Arab) summit in Baghdad, I intend to demand financial aid not only for Jordan, but also for the PLO." Saddam answered,
"Leave it to me — I’ll force them to pay." On the agenda at the May 28, 1990 summit in Baghdad was the disparity
between rich and poor Arabs.. Saddam Hussein strongly inferred that the rich countries of the Gulf were not pulling their
weight in helping the less fortunate, such as Jordan, Iraq and the Palestinians. When the subject of money arose, he said: Brothers, let me tell you an old legend that perhaps some of you know.
One day, disaster struck a little village, and all the villagers were asked to contribute something toward repairing the damage.
In the village there lived a very poor man who had no possessions, and the other inhabitants decided not to ask him for anything.
But the poor man approached them and said that he would feel ashamed not to contribute. He gave the other villagers the only
thing he possessed — a copper pot. Well, at this summit, that poor man is Iraq, but we shan’t fail in our duty.
We shall give $50 million to Jordan and $25 million to the PLO. That should help to exert moral pressure on those who might
be tempted not to contribute. You all know the sacrifices we have accepted over the years while others fail to respect their
agreements. Saddam Hussein had always worked closely with Yasser Arafat. In fact,
he helped convince the Palestinian leader to adopt a more moderate stance in dealing with the U.S. When the U.S. public was
told that Saddam was only using the Palestinian issue as a ploy, they were told another lie. History shows that the Ba’athist
government worked right up until the March 2003 invasion of Iraq in helping the Palestinians. Even the more recent assistance
received negative press in the U.S. The administration mentioned that the Iraqi government paid a stipend to the families
of suicide bombers, therefore, Iraq supported terrorism. In reality, the Iraqi government paid benefits to the families of
all those Palestinians who died at the hands of the Israelis during the Palestinian intafada. Saudi Arabia also contributed
to those families, yet the Saudis were not depicted as terrorists because the U.S. still had troops stationed there. After his capture in December 2003, Saddam Hussein was not allowed
to talk to a lawyer for months. When he eventually was visited by Khalil al-Dulaymi, the Iraqi lawyer who represented Saddam
in court, despite all that had happened since March 2003, the conversation quickly turned to the Palestinians. Saddam Hussein
told al-Dulaymi: The Palestinian issue is an issue of all Arabs. Whoever fritters it
away is like someone who fritters away his honor and dignity. They made lots of attempts with me. They sent me letters care
of Arab and international leaders and public personalities. They said, "All we want from you is one word; we don’t need
an agreement now." They wanted me to indicate a willingness to recognize their so-called state "Israel." But I refused with
all my power, in spite of the fact that they told me that recognition of the Zionist entity would mean the end of the embargo,
and a return to normal relations with the United States. But I understand that whoever fritters away the soil and territory
will fritter away everything; his honor and dignity. After that, there won’t be any red lines for him. It is a deadly
chain reaction. It only needs some place to start and then the path of concessions will just carry on with no end. Despite Iraq’s efforts to reach an agreement with Kuwait, the
Emirate continued to demand money from Iraq. Leaders of other Arab countries were becoming concerned that the situation could
become more volatile and most were surprised at Kuwait’s insistence on immediate payments. On July 28, 1990, King Hussein of Jordan spoke with Sheikh Sabah,
the Kuwaiti foreign minister. The king was perplexed at Kuwait’s attitude and he told the foreign minister about his
concern that Iraq may take military action. The Kuwaiti response was curious because Iraq had not yet invaded the Emirate
and, in theory, the U.S. had no defense agreement with Kuwait. Sheikh Sabah told King Hussein, "We cannot bargain over an
inch of territory. It is against our constitution. If Saddam comes across the border, let him come. The Americans will get
him out." Iraq maintained that the U.S. was collaborating with Kuwait to undermine
the Iraqi economy and Sheikh Sabah’s statement inferred knowledge of future U.S. military intervention. When Iraq crossed
the border of Kuwait on August 2, 1990, the whole world focused its attention on the Middle East. Unfortunately, Iraq’s
military intervention was the first information to which most Americans were exposed in the Iraq-Kuwait dispute, making it
possible for the U.S. administration to create its own version of the incident. Hardly anybody knew about the fruitless discussions
that led to the invasion. Saddam Hussein’s strategy was to garner world attention to his
plight and then withdraw from Kuwait and start earnest negotiations. He had no idea of the magnitude of the U.S. plan to turn
the world against Iraq. Shortly after Iraqi troops crossed the Kuwaiti border, King Hussein
talked with Saddam Hussein and the Iraqi president mentioned that most problems could be resolved at a scheduled mini-summit
to be held in Cairo, Egypt on August 4. He then said he did not want any condemnation by an Arab country of the invasion prior
to the meeting. King Hussein took the role of mediator and said he would talk to the other Arab nations. He foresaw few problems. One of the first calls King Hussein made was to the Egyptian leader,
Hosni Mubarak. After the king explained the situation, Mubarak replied, "I’ll support you." On the same day, August 2, 1990, King Hussein called President Bush
to explain the latest developments in negotiations. He wanted to obtain Bush’s commitment that he not pressure Arab
countries to issue communiqués criticizing Iraq’s actions for at least 48 hours. At the time of the call, Bush was on
an airplane from Washington D.C. to Colorado. The Jordanian leader told Bush, "We (Arabs) can settle this crisis, George …
we can deal with it. We just need a little time." Bush’s reply was, "You’ve got it. I’ll leave it to you." King Hussein thought he was dealing with an honorable person, and,
when the conversation ended, he took Bush’s word that he would do nothing for 48 hours. Bush did not wait 48 seconds
to start thwarting the efforts of a negotiated settlement. While the Arab world was awaiting the mini-summit in Cairo, scheduled
for August 4, George Bush was already lining up allies to condemn Iraq, despite his promise to King Hussein to remain quiet
for 48 hours. On August 3, 1990, Saddam Hussein issued a communiqué announcing he would begin to withdraw Iraqi troops from
Kuwait on August 5. He was confident that the mini-summit scheduled for August 4 would reap benefits for everyone. Saddam,
as well as the entire Arab world, was unaware of the American duplicity that was occurring. On August 3, 1990, Bush met with the Chairman of the Joint Chiefs
of Staff, Colin Powell. The topic was the option of military force against Iraq. Powell told Bush, "If you finally decide
to commit to military forces, Mr. President, it must be done as massively and decisively as possible." Meanwhile, on August 3, in Amman, Jordan, matters worsened. King Hussein
met with his foreign minister, Marwan Al Qasim, and stated, "I have very good news. Saddam Hussein has told me he’s
going to pull out of Kuwait." The foreign minister was a little more up-to-date on the situation and he wasted no time telling
the king, "You haven’t heard, but the Egyptian Foreign Ministry has just put out a statement condemning the Iraqis for
invading Kuwait." King Hussein realized he had been duped by Bush. Egypt was an Arab
country that held much influence and its condemnation could destroy all possible negotiations. The king did not know at the
time that Bush had already called Mubarak and cancelled a $7 billion Egyptian debt in return for Mubarak’s condemnation
— a debt George Bush had no right to forgive under U.S. law. An irate King Hussein called Mubarak and asked, "Why did you release
that communiqué? We had an agreement not to do something like that until the mini-summit took place." Mubarak answered, "I
was under tremendous pressure from the media and my own people. My mind is not functioning." King Hussein angrily told Mubarak,
"Well, when it starts functioning again, let me know." Egypt’s condemnation virtually shut the door on diplomacy. The
August 4 mini-summit was cancelled and King Hussein told his brother, Prince Hassan, "The Arabs ought to have proved that
they could settle the conflict themselves. We shouldn’t have failed. Anything can happen now. We must expect the worst." Meanwhile, events were occurring in the Soviet Union that would help
isolate Iraq in the international arena. On August 3, U.S. Secretary of State, James Baker met with the Soviet Foreign Minister,
Edward Shevaerdnaze. It is curious to see that Bush had promised King Hussein 48 hours of silence on August 2, yet less than
24 hours later, the U.S. Secretary of State was in the Soviet Union to discuss the Iraq-Kuwait issue. Baker urged his counterpart
to assist in issuing a joint U.S.-Soviet statement condemning Iraq’s actions. Shevaerdnaze responded, "We insist that
the Soviet Union won’t accept any gunboat diplomacy on you part." Baker assured him, "There won’t be any unilateral
action by the U.S. unless American citizens are in danger." Shevaerdnaze made clear his government’s stance by stating,
"Above all, no military operations." Shevaerdnaze’s diplomatic, but weak, response assured Baker
that the Soviets would not interfere with U.S. war plans. Despite Shevaerdnaze’s "no military operations" statement,
the U.S. was already lining up its military machine to travel to the area. The diplomatic initiatives and the Iraqi statement of August 3 calling
for the beginning of a withdrawal of Iraqi troops on August 5, 1990, have become the most under-reported aspects of this period.
Without U.S. deceit, the situation could have been solved. Few people ever read about these occurrences. On August 4, Bush called President Ozal of Turkey and tried to persuade
him to stop Iraqi oil flowing through Turkish pipelines. At first, Ozal resisted, pointing out that Turkey and Iraq were experiencing
good business relationships and that Turkey depended on Iraqi fees for using the pipeline. Bush then told the Turkish leader
that Saudi Arabia had halted the flow of Iraqi oil through its pipelines. Ozal hesitatingly agreed to Bush’s request. When Bush talked to Ozal, he lied about the Saudis. He had not yet
asked them to cut Iraq’s oil flow. With Ozal’s commitment in hand, Bush had the ammunition to ask the Saudis to
close their pipelines and they acquiesced. Yasser Arafat traveled to Baghdad on August 5 and met with Saddam
Hussein. Despite the setbacks, both were still optimistic about a negotiated settlement. Saddam told Arafat, "A political
solution is absolutely essential." The PLO leader answered, "I completely agree." Saudi Arabia still was not convinced that American troops should be
stationed in the Middle East. As late as August 8, 1990, King Fahd was blaming Kuwait for the problems. He stated, "I have
a lot of criticisms to make of them (the Al Sabah family who rules Kuwait). They didn’t pay their debts. They are largely
responsible for this crisis." Shortly after, however, Fahd allowed the unlimited incursion of American troops on Saudi soil. On the same day as King Fahd’s condemnation of Kuwait, Bush
made a declaration that received much more media coverage than the king’s and set the tone for the future. In six days,
he had made enough backroom deals to be able to proclaim, "A line has been drawn in the sand." Yasser Arafat was now traveling all over the Middle East trying to
put together a meeting that could ease the tensions. He tried to convene a meeting in Baghdad, but the U.S. persuaded some
sides that it would not be in their interests to attend. On August 10, Arafat stated, "It’s a mistake. If the delegation
had gone to Baghdad, it could have reached a solution that would have settled the Gulf crisis." By now, King Hussein knew that he and others who tried to negotiate
peace had been double-crossed by the United States. On August 13, in Baghdad, he lamented: Every day that passes brings us closer to war, and those who claim
that an Arab solution is a dead letter forget that it was feasible during the first week of the crisis until the Americans
put a stop to it. By August 15, the American administration knew it had cornered Iraq
and it was only a matter of time until a final plan for slaughter was designed. On that day, an advisor to Bush summed up
the administration’s attitude. He told the president, "It’s true we’ve promised to consult Congress if there’s
a war. In other words, we’ll phone them just after the first bombs have been dropped." To add to the deceit, Bush made a statement the following day (August
16) that heralded the beginning of a U.S. military presence in the Gulf. He told the press, "We’re there to protect
Saudi Arabia against aggression and nothing more. And we’ll withdraw when they request." During this aspect of the U.S. military buildup, the U.S. administration
stated that Iraq was preparing to invade Saudi Arabia. Iraq denied all the allegations and it stated it had no territorial
designs on the kingdom. Most military analysts said that Iraq could have taken over Saudi Arabia within two or three days
if it desired. Even General Schwarzkopf admitted that if Iraq attacked Saudi Arabia prior to December 1990, American troops
would have been massacred and there would have been a "Dunkirk-like exodus" of American military personnel from the Gulf.
Unlike the U.S., Iraq was honest about its intentions. It was only interested in straightening out its differences with Kuwait.
Over the next few months, many attempts to negotiate a settlement
arose. Every one was obstructed by the U.S. On November 30, 1990, hope appeared. In what seemed to be a complete
change of attitude, George Bush put forth a plan for negotiations. He proposed that Iraqi Foreign Minister Tariq Aziz come
to Washington for talks and that U.S. Secretary of State James Baker travel to Baghdad for discussions with the Iraqi government.
His invitation was for talks "at any time before January 15, 1991" (the date the United Nations had affixed for allowing military
force to oust Iraqi troops from Kuwait). The optimism was short-lived. Bush had no intention of allowing such
talks to take place. When the Iraqis came back with dates of January 3 and January 12, Bush said they were too close to the
January 15 deadline, despite his original offer to meet "at any time before January 15." In a compromise effort, Tariq Aziz and James Baker met on January
9, 1991 in Geneva, Switzerland. Aziz wanted to negotiate, but Baker only handed a letter to Aziz warning the Iraqis that the
U.S. was prepared to annihilate Iraq. Despite other last-minute attempts for peace from King Hussein, Yasser Arafat and others,
there was no way of obtaining a non-military settlement. George Bush had closed the door for negotiation and locked it months
before. Pérez de Cuéllar met with Saddam Hussein just prior to the start of
hostilities and the Iraqi president designated the U.S. as the aggressor when he told the U.N. secretary-general, The Iraqis will never withdraw in the face of death. Bush will therefore
be pushed day by day into a corner, and he will be obliged to resort to arms because he who is busy preparing the requirements
for the use of arms could not find alternatives to avoid the use of arms. THE QUEST FOR THE KNUCKLEBALL Bad news. Tim Wakefield is on the disabled list. I know, most of you
are saying, "Who the fuck is Tim Wakefield?" Wakefield is a 43-year-old pitcher for the Boston Red Sox. At the
half-way mark of the 2009 season, he was leading the American league in wins. Again, you may say, "So what?" By the age of 43, most major league baseball players are former major
league players. They already had a special night at their home stadiums in their last year, being awarded with the obligatory
SUV and other gifts. Then, they become distributors for beer companies or real estate agents, with the occasional appearance
at an old-timers reunion where they sell their autographs. By then, their protruding stomachs (which they never possessed
in their playing days) are lying on the tables in front of them. However, Wakefield, at such an advanced age for a baseball player,
was experiencing his finest year as a major league pitcher. Does he have a secret elixir that contains substances from the
fountain of youth? No, his longevity on the hill comes from his throwing the most mis-understood and hard-to-hit pitch: the
knuckleball. Wakefield was a first-baseman in the Pittsburgh Pirates minor league
system. He was told he would never make it above the AA level of the minor leagues. But, Wakefield was determined to give
it his best try. He showed the team he could throw a knuckleball, although he never pitched before. The Pirates sent him to
a single A farm club and gave him a chance. He pitched well, and within three years, the major league club called him up to
the big show. In 1992, he amazed the baseball world as he compiled an 8-win and 1-loss record for the latter portion of the
season. In 1995, he was traded to the Boston Red Sox, and currently he is
nearing the 200-win career mark as a major league pitcher. In the history of the sport, with thousands of pitchers who participated
in the major leagues, only 110 have won 200 games or more in their major league careers. This number indicates excellence
of all-time pitching statistics. If Wakefield had not injured his back recently, he may have made the 200-win mark this season.
If not, he surely will exceed the number next year, unless his back injury is career-ending, which it does not appear to be
at this time. So what? you may ask. The "so what" is that Wakefield is the only
active knuckleball pitcher in the major leagues. The pitch is much slower than other offerings of pitchers, such as
a fastball, curve, or slider. But, it dances erratically on its trip to the plate, making it almost impossible to hit. You may think this is a no-brainer: everyone should throw a knuckleball.
It’s not that easy. Few people can make it dart in different directions consistently. And, most baseball managers and
coaches do not understand the pitch and do not give anyone who throws it a chance. They always maintain that if the knuckler
does not "knuckle," it will be a straighter-than-an-arrow offering that will be knocked out of the park. Rarely do they use
the same logic for a pitcher who "hangs a curve" and gets hit hard. True, if a knuckleball pitcher is having a bad day and the wind is
to his back, he will not last long. This is a hazard for the knuckleball pitcher. I read about the knuckleball in about 1960 when Hoyt Wilhelm was confusing
batters with it. For the next three years, I tried to throw one. I read all the pitching books and followed the instructions
to a tee, but it never did anything but travel to the plate in a slow, straight line. I gave up. During the 1970s, I read the book Ball Four by former New York
Yankee, Jim Bouton. It was a story, not an instruction manual. However, he mentioned the knuckler and he stated, "Make sure
the ball is cupped in the hand with the fingers on top." Never had I read before that the ball should be against the palm
of your hand. Most other pitches are thrown with the ball away from the palm. This made sense. If the ball was against the palm of the hand and
was pushed away, a vacuum would be created behind the ball making it change directions. And, a knuckler is not thrown with
the knuckles, but with the fingertips. It is pushed forward by the fingers, and when the ball is on its way to the plate,
there is no spin. Every other pitch in baseball requires spin to break in a certain direction. If a knuckleball spins, it
will not break. In 1979, at age 31, my playing days were behind me. However, I thought
that I should learn a knuckleball to be able to teach it to aspiring pitchers. I was one of the few coaches in the world who
understood the knuckleball and wanted to teach it to pitchers. At the time, I was living in England and running various baseball
programs for players of all ages and playing levels. I needed a catcher who would not complain about squatting down for
a half hour at a time trying to catch my pitches that would be all over the place. A 16-year-old British girl who was a catcher
in a mixed league (male and female) that I ran volunteered. Well, she volunteered after I asked her a few times. She was a tall athletic girl who had no problem catching my slower
offerings as I tried to master the elusive knuckleball. Her only quandary was chasing the balls I threw over her head or in
the dirt in trying to gain some kind of mechanics for the pitch. Almost every day at about 3:30 in the afternoon, I picked her up and
brought her to the baseball field. The first few times were horrible. I did not throw one floater. The ball still had spin.
But, I did not give up. After about two weeks, I unleashed a pitch that had no spin. As soon
as it left my hand, I knew I had found success. It seemed to take minutes to reach the catcher as it first broke left, then
right and straight down. I did it. The feeling of that first successful knuckleball pitch was indescribable.
It was like a magnetic device was controlling the flight of the ball even though I threw it. Magic. It took about three more weeks until I was consistent with the knuckleball.
By then, most had no spin. But, as I was getting better throwing the pitch, it became more hazardous for the teenage female
catcher. Unlike other pitches in baseball, one cannot control the direction
of the break of a knuckleball. A curve ball always goes away and down: a slider away, etc. Once the knuckleball is released,
a pitcher can only hope it hops and it gets somewhere near the strike zone. By the time we were finished and I had accomplished
my journey of throwing a knuckleball with consistency, the girl had bruises on every part of her body that a baseball could
hit: primarily the forearm and thighs. And, a few bruised fingers as well. She never complained once about performing such
an unglamorous task for those few weeks. In 1981, I began to manage baseball in the Dutch major league, a circuit
that was equivalent to about single A level minor league ball in the U.S. I took a young pitcher with promise and taught him
the knuckleball. A 20-year-old Eric de Vries won the Most Valuable Pitcher Award in The Netherlands. When asked the reason
for his turnaround, he told the press, "The knuckleball." The following year, I was with another club. Eric, playing for a new
American manager, had a mediocre year. I noticed he did not throw one knuckleball. When I asked him why, he said, "My new
coach told me not to." Then I asked the reasoning and he told me, "He said that if it does not break, you’ll get hit
hard." Some things never change. Today, at age 61, I am stiff and sore from my years of playing sports.
In two months, I will have a hip replacement that will once again make me part of the world of the walking. But, if I have
it in me, after my hip replacement, I still will be able to warm up and throw a futhermucker of a knuckleball. All thanks
to that 16-year-old British girl. IRAN/IRAQ CONCEPTIONS AND MISCONCEPTIONS My last column, "What Did April Say?" drew much response from readers.
Most were supportive, saying they did not know the specifics of the meeting between April Glaspie and Saddam Hussein on July
25, 1990. However, a few questioned my assertion that Iran contributed to the atmosphere of the times which led to outright
war. One, in particular, said Iran did "NOTHING" to provoke Iraq. For some time now, the opinion that Iraq started the war and was the
aggressor has been taken for truth by much of the world. Western propaganda, once Iraq ran afoul of U.S. desires and the U.S.
and Kuwait began to undermine the Iraqi economy after the Iran-Iraq War, has been successful and virtually nobody questions
the version given by the U.S. of Iraq being the dirty bastards who attacked innocent Iran. In a response to this re-writing of history by the West, I supplied
a link to an excellent article written in 1981 concerning Iran’s aggression that provoked both countries to enter and
all-out war. Unfortunately, few have tried to even look at the matter. The so-called "progressive" communities of the West
are adamant that Iraq began the war. Their war-mongering right-wing opponents don’t even have to mention the subject
because the leftist dupes have passed on the falsehoods even better than the political right wing has. In May 2005, the quislings in Baghdad blamed Saddam Hussein for starting
the war. But, look at the people concerned. Many had fled Iraq in the 1970s and 1980s and fought on the side of Iran. Ahmed
Chalibi, everybody’s most popular crook extraordinaire, actively called for the defeat of Iraq in the Iran-Iraq War.
If you don’t remember, Chalibi is that great Iraqi patriot who left Iraq in 1958 and did not return until 2003. He supplied
the U.S. government with the most outrageous lies about Saddam Hussein and the Ba’ath Party and he received $97 million
from the Clinton administration to keep lying. Amidst all the outrageous lies, a spark of truth and a man of integrity
appeared: Jude Wanniski. For years, he questioned the West’s version of Iraqi history. For instance, when he wrote about
the Anfal Campaign and its alleged 182,000 murders of Kurds by the Baghdad regime, he always asked the same question, but
received no answers: Where are the bodies? Wanniski was far from a radical political subversive. At one time,
he was the associate editor of the Wall Street Journal. He was an economic advisor to Ronald Reagan from 1978 to 1981
and his book, The Way The Word Works, is regarded by many as the blueprint for Ronald Reagan’s economic programs. But, something along the way changed Wanniski’s views on many
items. On October 27, 2004, he publicly denounced George Bush. Wanniski stated: "Mr. Bush has become an imperialist —
one whose decisions as commander-in-chief have made the world a more dangerous place." Shortly before his death on August 29, 2005, Wanniski confessed that
if he knew that the information in his best-selling book was to be used for the U.S. political establishment to make the rich
in the world much richer and the poor much poorer (a fact that he admitted to), he would never have written it. In fact, it was Jude Wanniski who led me to the details about Tony
Blair on July 18, 2004 admitting to the British press that he "mis-spoke" in November of 2003 when he announced to the world
that more than 400,000 Iraqis had been found in mass graves from Saddam Hussein’s time in power. At that famous July
18, 2004 press conference, Blair admitted that fewer than 5,000 bodies had been recovered and that half were from the Kurdish
area and were killed in the 1990s civil war between Kurdish factions in Iraq, not by the Ba’ath government. A few days
ago, while going through old e-mail messages, I came across one that Jude sent to me concerning Blair’s change of figures.
He knew and told me of Blair’s statement before it was made public in Britain. Unfortunately, Blair’s change of
position never made it to the U.S. press. Not one word was written in the U.S. about the revised number of bodies and U.S.
government agencies, such as USAID, still use the 400,000 figure today in their literature. Below, are two articles that go into detail about incidents preceding
the "official" beginning of the Iran-Iraq War in September 1980. Wanniski speaks of obvious facts that have been lost in the
translation of events prior to all-out war by the U.S. political establishment as well as most of the U.S. population. The
propaganda machine was intense and successful. Plus, with Saddam dead, as well as many of the leaders of Iraq’s Ba’ath
regime, there is no one to dispute the revisionist lies that now are disguised as history. The other article was written by the Iraqi Embassy in Washington D.C.
in 1985. You may say, "Well, it is biased because it was written by the Iraqis themselves." However, no matter who wrote it,
there are enough facts, quotes, dates and places named that report on incidents of the time. Instead of saying that Iran was a benign entity after its revolution,
let’s look at some facts of the time. And, let’s remember that the Iranian revolution came into place with the
participation of socialists, communists, secularists, and civil rights activists, as well as the Islamists. However, once
the Shah left the country, the Islamists, under Ayatollah Khomeini, took over the leadership of those millions of Iranians
who took to the streets and made it an Islamic state. Many leftists, intellectuals and working class people were murdered
or fled the country, despite their participation in ridding Iran of the Shah. By Jude Wanniski May 25, 2005 If you continue to wonder why the "insurgents" in Iraq continue to
blow themselves up to prevent the interim government from gaining credibility among the populace, please note the report that
the new "interim government" has confessed that Saddam Hussein started the eight-year war with Iran in 1980. All these years,
the people of Iraq believed the war grew out of Iran's Ayatollah Khomeini's call for Iraqi Shi'ites to overthrow Saddam in
order to install a sectarian Shi'ite government in Baghdad. And the United States for all the eight years of the war thought
so too, didn't it? Else why support Iraq in the war, re-opening diplomatic relations with Baghdad, and sending Don Rumsfeld
to pow-wow with Saddam to arrange for military and financial assistance? Can it be that practically every member of the new interim "government"
in Baghdad either fought on Iran's side in the war or was in exile, a la Ahmed Chalabi, openly rooting for the defeat of Iraq
by the Iranians? Hasn't the New York Times, which says it is mystified by the determination of the insurgents to lay
down their lives to preserve chaos, noticed that the new Baghdad regime is a government of quislings? It is said that there were a million Iraqi casualties in the war against
Iran. Practically every Iraqi family – whether Shi'ite, Sunni or Kurd – lost a father, brother or son to Iranian
weaponry (conventional and poison gas). These are the official estimates of the U.S. government, by the way, not my figures
or those of the news media. But the question I raise is how can the Times consider the insurgency a "mystery" when
it must have noticed there is not a genuine nationalist in the new government, one who fought heart and soul against Tehran.
The people of Iraq look over the crowd and see three dozen replicas of Benedict Arnold – handpicked by the occupying
army. As for who started the war, you need only ask yourself why Saddam
would take on a country three times the size of Iraq, 60 million to 20 million, without ever showing the slightest intent
of carrying the fight to Tehran. When the escalating skirmishing grew into open war, the Iraqi army moved several dozen miles
into Iran and stopped, seemingly ready to come to terms. It was the deranged Ayatollah Khomeini, whose followers overthrew
the Shah of Iran (a client of the U.S. government in the Cold War), who announced upon his return to Tehran from his exile
in Paris, that Saddam Hussein was at the top of his list of enemies... and it was he who called upon his Shi'ite followers
in Iraq to change the secular regime in Baghdad, replacing it with a fundamentalist regime that would make him happy. The
Ayatollah is no longer around, of course, having lost the war with Iraq in August 1988, but if he were he would be delighted
to see the regime change was carried out by the American people, who sent their sons and daughters to overthrow Saddam and
install the puppet government that now smiles upon Iran. What a mystery. HOW THE IRAN-IRAQ WAR STARTED Published by the Embassy of the Republic of Iraq, Washington D.C.
January 1985 One of the first questions Iraqis are asked is, "Why did you start
the war?" Disputes between Iraq and Iran have been settled in the past by peaceful talks, not war; most recently in 1975 when
Algeria helped to negotiate an agreement on international borders, acces to the Shatt al-Arab waterway, and non-interference
in each other’s internal affairs. Friction between Iran and Iraq did not actually begin on September
4, 1980. This date marks only the onset of armed hostilities in the Iran-Iraq conflict. The present deterioration of relations
between the two countries is directly correlated to Khomeini’s rise to power. Khomeini put a new twist on the old disputes
over borders, territory, and non-interference, using sensitive areas to promote discord. Fundamental to current conflicts are the basic ideological differences
now found between Iran and Iraq. Under Khomeini, Iran has followed a line of religious fanaticism, one which recognizes no
political or geographic limits to the expansion of its control and influence. Iraq, on the other hand, adheres to a policy
of nationalism, rejecting the domination of religious elements in the administration of the state while espousing freedom
of belief and practice and unity among its peoples. These diametrically opposed ideologies are the core of the Iran-Iraq war. Almost immediately after coming to power, Khomeini began to focus
on the overthrow of the Iraqi government as the first logical stepping stone in his expansionist policy. A slow, but deliberate,
series of provocations ensued, beginning with the new Iranian government’s disavowal, in June of 1979, of the 1975 Algiers
Accord. Khomeini freed himself from the constraints of this accord under the pretext that it had been concluded by the shah
and sponsored by the United States. The Algiers Accord and its subsequent protocols provided for a definitive settlement of
borders and strict adherence to non-interference in internal affairs by joint committees set up for that end. Khomeini disregarded
the Algiers Accord, the settlements based upon it and refused to implement them. Khomeini’s disregard for this accord
put a halt to the committees’ work. While the Iraqi government was extending its goodwill gestures to
the new Iranian government and encouraging the development of good relations, Khomeini’s representatives were publicly
condemning the Iraqi government and claiming the allegiance of Iraqi Muslims, thus sowing division amongst the Muslims of
Iraq and between Iraq’s Muslims and non-Muslims. As Iran’s rhetoric against the Iraqi leadership continued, Iraqi
officials proposed to meet with Iranian leaders to discuss bilateral relations. In his address on July 17, 1980, President
Saddam Hussein stressed Iraqi support for the Iranian people and expressed the desire for mutual cooperation between the two
countries. The Iraqi government invited the Prime Minister of the Iranian Provisional Government to hold talks. This invitation
was renewed two weeks later by the Vice-Chairman of the Iraqi Revolutionary Command Council, Izzat Ibrahim. At the Non-Aligned Summit Conference, held in the fall of 1979, President
Hussein met with the Iranian Foreign Minister on two separate occasions to reaffirm Iraq’s efforts to establish relations
of cooperation between the two countries. While at the United Nations, the Iraqi Foreign Minister extended yet another invitation
to hold talks on Iraq-Iran relations to his Iranian counterpart. The Iraqi Ambassador to Tehran visited the Iranian President,
extending Iraq’s greetings and his own best wishes for the President’s success in pointing relations between Iran
and Iraq in the right direction, that is non-interference in domestic affairs of each other’s country. Despite Iraq’s friendly overtures, the Iranian leadership insisted
on its hostile attitude. Throughout March 1980, Iranian officials persisted in their warnings to the Iraqi people to "Beware
of the Ba’ath Party and Iraqi leadership." Khomeini issued a statement in late March urging both the youth and the military
of Iraq to rebel against their government and to become heroes in a battle to rid Iraq of the Ba’ath and the extinction
of Arab nationalism. In an address delivered by his son on March 21, 1980, Khomeini made
Iran’s position clear: "We should exert all efforts to export our revolution to other parts of the world. Let us abandon
the idea of keeping our revolution within our borders." Iran, however, was not leaving its message to chance.. "Iraq is Persian,"
Iran’s President stated on April 7, 1980, more than five months before the war began. "Aden and Baghdad belong to us,"
said Iran’s Foreign Minister, Qotob Zada on April 8. Zada went one step further in his remarks the following day, stating
that his government had "decided to overthrow the Iraqi government." Khomeini reiterated and expanded this theme on a weekly basis throughout
April. In an impassioned radio address, Khomeini severely attacked President Hussein and asked the Iraqi army to rebel and
topple its government. He accused the Iraqi army of combating Islam and again declared the urgency of the revolution’s
march towards Baghdad. In a direct appeal, Khomeini said, "The Iraqi people should liberate themselves from the claws of the
enemy. It should topple this non-Islamic party in Iraq." The intransigence of the Iranian position was demonstrated on various
occasions. At the beginning of May 1980, the Iranian President claimed it would not be interference in Iraq’s domestic
affairs to go to Baghdad to "liberate" the Iraqi people because "We consider the Islamic nation as one and the Imam (Khomeini)
is the religious leader for us as well as for Iraq and for all Islamic peoples." (The Imam) feels he is responsible for Iraq
as well as Iran." Foreign Minister Zada spoke at a press conference in Abu Dhabi where
he remained firm in his position on Iraq saying, "We do not accept any mediation or dialogue with the criminal (Iraqi) regime
… it must disappear and the people of Iraq want to topple their government." In a radio address in Tehran a few days
later, Zada said that "because the Ba’ath regime practices oppression against the Muslim people of Iraq … we shall
not come to terms with them." Indeed, ever since its assumption of power, the Iranian regime has
embarked on a series of provocative acts against the government and people of Iraq. In late 1979, for example, Iran began
a series of attacks on diplomatic, consular, cultural, and commercial missions of Iraq. The personnel of the Iraqi Embassy
in Tehran, its Consulates in Muhamara (Khorramshahr) and Kermanshah, Iraqi schools in Iran and the Iraqi Airways office in
Tehran were all subjects to verbal and physical acts of aggression. Many demonstrations, tacitly or otherwise approved by Iranian authorities,
took place outside the Embassy with photographs of President Hussein burning and shouts of "death to Iraqi leaders and the
Ba’ath Party." These scenes are familiar to Americans who saw their own Embassy overtaken by these same vehement and
frenzied crowds. On October 7, 1979, Iranian authorities asked Iraq to close its Consulates
in Muhamara and Kermanshah within three months. Less than one week later, the Iraqi Consulate General in Muhamara was subjected
to harsh treatment. Doors and windows were smashed, officials were attacked and records damaged. Similar attacks occurred
on three other occasions. On November 1, the Iraqi flag and photographs of President Hussein were lowered and torn and the
diplomatic pouch taken by force. By January 11, Iranian authorities decided to deport Consulate employees in these two cities,
even before the expiration of the specified departure period. Many employees were mistreated and brutally beaten. Similar provocations were taking place at Iraqi schools in Iran. Iraqi
teachers’ residence permits were not renewed, schools were stormed by Revolutionary Guards and students and teachers
were attacked. By the end of 1979, Iranian authorities had closed all Iraqi schools in Iran, but one. Teachers were deported,
prevented from taking along their personal belongings, and some were even arrested and interrogated prior to being released
for deportation. As Iraq submitted protests to Iranian authorities over these hostile
acts, aggression continued unabated even within Iraqi territory. Along the border there were violations of eastern Iraqi territory
and air space; bombings of outposts and border villages which included kidnappings, sabotage, and attacks on Iraqi police
patrols and border guards, infringements on Iraqi territorial waters as well as aggression on Iraqi and foreign vessels. Terrorist acts deep inside Iraq itself resulted in the death and injury
of innocent citizens, women and children included. In April 1980 alone, hand grenades were hurled on the campus of Al-Mustansiriyah
University; in the capital Baghdad at a student gathering; bombs were thrown at the funeral procession for victims from the
Al-Mustansiriyah gathering; assassination attempts were made on the lives of the Iraqi Deputy Prime Minister Tariq Aziz, and
the Iraqi Minister of Culture and Information, Latif Jassim. From February 1979, (when Khomeini came to power) until the outbreak
of the armed conflict in September 1980, 941 violations against Iraq took place. Iraq notified the Secretary General of the
United Nations, The Organization of the Islamic Conference, the Chairman of the Non-Aligned Movement, and the Organization
of the American States, protesting these provocations on more than 145 separate occasions. Moreover, the Iraqi Embassy in Tehran approached the Iranian Foreign
Ministry regularly while the Iranian Ambassador to Baghdad was frequently summoned to meetings with various Iraqi high officials.
Iran’s resolve to interfere in the domestic affairs of Iraq continued to undermine relations between the two neighbors.
Khomeini’s disruption of traffic and ultimately the closure of the Shatt al-Arab waterway in September 1980 was a very
serious intimidation to Iraq, for this waterway is of major strategic concern for the assurance of Iraq’s access to
the sea. Without it, Iraq would be almost landlocked. The Shatt-al-Arab’s significance to Iraq had become increasingly
important as early as the 1960s when oil revenues became a valuable source for Iraq’s national budget. An accessible
Shatt-al-Arab is also vital for Iraqi trade, and thus to the development of the country. Iran’s behavior towards Iraq escalated to unprecedented levels
of violence from September 4, 1980. Four border towns were shelled constantly by Iranian heavy artillery. The proximity of
major Iraqi cities to the Iran-Iraq border made them, especially, vulnerable to any Iranian military initiative. Densely-populated
towns and villages in the Zain-al-Qaws area were shelled. The number of deaths and property damage was devastating. Repeated Iraqi requests that Iran withdraw immediately its military
units from Iraqi territories, namely Zain Al-Qaws and Saif Saad (defined as Iraqi territories in all international border
agreements binding both countries including the 1975 Accord), and to refrain from shelling Iraqi border towns and villages,
went unanswered. Khomeini was unyielding and reaffirming his resolute position. "How could we reconcile with Saddam Hussein?" he asked in the fall
of 1980. "There is no reconciliation with these Iraqi Ba’athists because our aim is Islam and their aim runs counter
to Islam." Like the United States, Iraq is a secular state with full freedom of religion and worship for all citizens guaranteed
under the law, with a distinct separation of "church and state." The events which took place before the armed conflict between the
two parties, as discussed earlier, clearly indicate that Iran was the party who violated the clauses of the 1975 Algiers agreement,
by continuing its occupation of territories that were to be returned to Iraq in accordance with that agreement, by disrupting
river traffic and by aggressive interference in the internal affairs of Iraq. The 1975 Accord states explicitly (article 4), that if any of the
two contracting parties violates any article of the Accord, then the whole Accord is null and void. Iran violated the Accord, not only through the hostile statements
of its high officials, who denounced it as "an imperial treaty," but also by interference in Iraq’s domestic affairs.
With the Algiers Accord practically and intentionally abrogated by Iran, with the onslaught
of verbal and physical attacks on Iraq, and with Iraqi casualties mounting as a result of Iranian aggression, Iraq was left
with little recourse than to protect its territorial integrity to secure the unity of its people and the stability of its
government. In an address to the Iraqi people on September 28, 1980, President
Hussein examined the conflict with Iran: "We stressed to the whole world that Iraq has no designs on the Iranian territories
and that we do not at all intend to launch war with Iran or expand the circle of struggle with it, outside of defending our
rights and sovereignty … We would like to assure the Iranian people that we have no intention of encroaching upon their
rights, laying claims on any of their territories, or humiliating them and the Iranian army … We hope that the Iranian
regime will benefit from this lesson … and will honorably cooperate with the region’s countries in accordance
with this honorable independent trend. It will then guarantee for Iran its legitimate interests, consolidate its security
and stability, and keep it away from the policies of aggression and adventures, which have brought it only losses and catastrophes." WHAT DID APRIL SAY? We are approaching the 19th anniversary of the infamous
meeting between April Glaspie, former U.S. Ambassador to Iraq, and Saddam Hussein on July 25, 1990. Sadly, this incident has
been virtually eliminated from the history of Iraq-U.S. relations. After the cease-fire agreement between the U.S. and Iraq
in February 1991, some media attention was given, but that quickly disappeared. April Glaspie met with Saddam Hussein on July 25, 1990 to discuss
the future of Kuwait and Iraq. Before we discuss her meeting, let’s look at background information
that led to the point where Iraq was on the verge of invading its Arab neighbor to the south. For many years, the country
known as Kuwait was culturally, geographically, racially and economically a part of the area known as Iraq today. Iraq has
been identified by different names over the centuries and has been a part of various empires, but present-day Kuwait was always
a province of Basra, the southernmost component of Iraq. In the early part of the 20th century, the British laid
the boundaries that led to the current Middle East. Many of those overran traditional cultures and identities, making the
area a hotbed of violence from then until the beginning of the 21st century. Today, it looks like the conflicts
created by these borders may yet spill over into the next century. The Kuwaiti-Iraqi border created hostility and mistrust.
Despite the British placing of stooges in power in Iraq during their 20th century occupation of the country, two
of the quisling governments protested the status of Kuwait as an independent country. Until 1990, the Ba’ath government of Iraq and the emirate of
Kuwait held an uneasy truce. At times, both countries experienced amiable relations, but at others, there was an aloofness.
The common denominator was that both were populated by Arabs and both used this brotherhood to keep peace. In 1980, Iran and Iraq went to war. The two countries fought a bloody
eight-year conflict that ended in a stalemate. Iran wanted to spread its own Islamic revolution throughout the Middle East
and Iraq was the only country in the area that could stop the territorial designs of Iran. Iraq was the buffer that stopped
the countries of the Arabian Peninsula, including Kuwait, from falling into Iranian hands. Unlike the hostile attitude of
neighboring countries brought on by U.S. intervention in the area, during the 1980s, Iraq’s Arab neighbors stood solidly
behind the country that was sacrificing its soldiers to keep the independence of Gulf Arabian countries. In the 1990s, with
forceful persuasion by the U.S., countries like Saudi Arabia, U.A.E., Qatar, and others turned against their former ally.
Kuwait, with much U.S. assistance, was the first to betray Iraq and others followed. Some, however, such as Yemen and Jordan,
kept cordial relations with Iraq because the people of these countries forced their leaders not to ostracize the Iraqis. By the end of the Iran-Iraq War, Iraq’s economy had been greatly
weakened. The incidents leading to Desert Storm began to emerge. Kuwait lent money to Iraq during the war. The money was allocated
for the defense of Kuwait, as well as that of Iraq, and the Iraqi government did not expect to be hard-pressed to repay the
loans after the hostilities ended, especially because much of the money was used in thwarting Iran from invading Kuwait. Soon after the cease-fire, Kuwait demanded repayment. Saddam Hussein
was shocked that Kuwait would apply so much pressure after his country had spent eight bloody years defending Kuwait from
Iranian aggression. When Iraq attempted to discuss the matter of repayment with Kuwait, the Kuwaitis became ever more insistent
about immediate remission. The Iraqis knew at that time that the CIA and Kuwait had already instituted measures to further
undermine the Iraqi economy, yet they did not realize the severity and progress of those plans. After Iraq crossed the Kuwaiti border on August 2, 1990, many aspects
of this anti-Iraq scheme came out in the open. The Iraqis found a copy of a letter dated November 22, 1989 and marked "Top
Secret and Private" that was sent by Brigadier Ahmed Al Fahd (Director General of the State Security Department of Kuwait)
to Sheikh Salem Al Sabah Al Sabah (Minister of the Interior of Kuwait). The letter mentions the coalition of the CIA and the
Kuwaiti government and their plans to undermine the Iraqi economy. Here are a few highlights: In accordance with Your Highness’s orders, as given during our
meetings with you on October 22, 1989, I visited the headquarters of the United States Intelligence Agency, together with
Colonel Ishaq Abd Al Hadi Shaddad, Director of Investigations for the Governorate of Ahmadi, from November 12 to 18, 1989.
The United States side emphasized that the visit should be top secret in order not to arouse the sensibilities among our brothers
in the Gulf Cooperation Council, Iran and Iraq … We agreed with the United States side that visits would be exchanged
at all levels between the State Security Department and the Central Intelligence Agency, and that information would be exchanged
about armaments and social and political structures of Iran and Iraq … We agreed with the American side that it was important to take advantage
of the deteriorating economic situation in Iraq in order to put pressure on that country’s government to delineate our
common border. The Central Intelligence Agency gave us its view of appropriate means of pressure, saying that broad cooperation
should be initiated between us, on condition that such actions are coordinated at a high level. This letter proved the Iraqi allegations of a definite U.S. plan to
keep Iraq’s economy weak so Kuwait could benefit. The release of this letter put a different look on the events of August
2, 1990 and the following few months. Iraq did not enter Kuwait simply to stake claim to Kuwait’s oil. It did so to
stop Kuwait and the U.S. from permanently damaging its economy. Iraqi Foreign Minister Tariq Aziz quickly spread the word about the
U.S.-Kuwait collusion, but the agenda was written by Bush I and barely a peep was heard about the damning evidence. The world
was hearing about "naked aggression" and "another Hitler." In an October 24, 1990 letter to the United Nations, Aziz highlighted
the actions of the U.S. and Kuwait that led to the eventual occupation of Kuwait by Iraq. Many crucial points are brought
up, so it is important to publish the entire letter: I am sending you a copy of a letter dated November 22, 1989, from
the Director-General of the State Security Department to the Minister of the Interior of the former Kuwaiti regime. This dangerous
document proves the existence of a conspiracy between that government and the government of the United States to destabilize
the situation in Iraq. I mentioned this conspiracy in a letter dated September 4, 1990, that
I addressed to foreign ministers around the world. In that letter, I explained the historical background and the machinations
of the Kuwaiti leaders against Iraq as follows: "We must therefore conclude that the leaders of the former regime
wished to pursue their plots until Iraq’s economy was destroyed and its political system destabilized. It is impossible
to believe that a regime like that formerly in power in Kuwait could have embarked on such an ambitious conspiracy without
the support and protection of a great power. That power can only be the United States." I also made the following remarks in my letter: "It is evident from my historical account and from the description
I have given of events, that the disagreement was not simply about economic or border questions. We had many differences of
that nature over 20 years, and we always tried to maintain the best possible relations with the former leaders of Kuwait,
in spite of their contemptible behavior and their despicable attitude toward Iraq. The fact of the matter is that there was
an organized conspiracy, in which the former leaders of Kuwait deliberately took part with the support of the United States,
to destabilize Iraq’s economy and undermine its defense capabilities against the imperialist aims of Israel and acts
of aggression on part of the Arab world. To achieve that, it was necessary to undermine Iraq’s political system and
to strengthen the hegemony of the United States over the region, especially over its oil resources. In fact, as President
Saddam Hussein declared at the Baghdad summit, and as I indicated in my letter to the Secretary-General of the Arab League,
it was a war against Iraq." This document proves, clearly and unequivocally, that the CIA and
the intelligence services of the former government of Kuwait were in league with each other in plotting against the national
security, territorial integrity, and national economy of Iraq. I should be grateful if you would kindly circulate this letter and
the appended text as official Security Council documents. Months before the beginning of Desert Storm, Tariq Aziz had exposed
Kuwait’s duplicity. Instead of looking at the facts, however, much of the world allowed George Bush I to revamp them
and portray a different scenario — one in which the Iraqis invaded Kuwait for no reason other than greed and the acquisition
of Kuwaiti oil. Logic would tear holes in this assessment. Iraq already had the world’s second-largest oil reserves,
so it did not need to grab those of Kuwait. Iraq’s economic existence had been threatened by the U.S. and Kuwait, but
it seemed no one was listening. In 1989, another strange scenario emerged. Iraq began to lose oil
from its wells in the Rumailah oil fields, located in the Iraq/Kuwait border area. Iraq discovered that the Kuwaitis had installed
a slant drilling operation on the border, enabling them to drill under the boundary and steal Iraqi oil. At the time, the
Iraqi government assessed the oil losses at $2.7 billion, but after discovering the enormity of the operation, losses were
re-assessed to about $14 billion. The stealing of Iraqi oil was well-documented by Iraq. On July 15, 1990, Tariq Aziz, in
a letter to the Secretary of the Arab League, described the theft in detail. Because of the cooperative relationship between Kuwait and Iraq during
the Iran-Iraq War, Saddam Hussein was aghast at the Kuwaiti’s change of heart once the hostilities ceased. Iraq began
to find pieces of the puzzle and put them together. The findings were corroborated after August 2, 1990 when the Iraqis found
evidence in Kuwait, such as the top secret letter previously mentioned. Prior to August 2, 1990, the Iraqis had enough facts to present to
the Arab world showing Kuwaiti involvement in undermining their economy. To Iraq, this was the beginning of a U.S. intrusion
into the area that would not be reversed once put into action. In a speech in Amman, Jordan on February 24, 1990, Saddam Hussein
told those assembled of the imminent danger of allowing the U.S. to become involved in regional affairs. (See Appendix XII
of the book The Mother of All Battles: The Endless U.S.-Iraq War for the entire speech.) Remember, at the time, the
Soviet Union was in existence and was considered a world superpower. The Iraqi president stated: The country that exerts the greatest amount of influence on the region,
on the Gulf and its oil, will consolidate its superiority as an unrivaled superpower. This proves that if the population of
the Gulf — and of the entire Arab world — is not vigilant, this area will be ruled according to the wishes of
the United States. Despite this ominous prediction, the Arab world did not take much
notice. Most of the countries in the region could not envisage a permanent U.S. presence that would dictate U.S. policy to
them. Events since 1990, much to the chagrin of regional Arab countries, proved Saddam Hussein’s statement accurate.
Today, countries such as Qatar and Kuwait are virtual U.S. possessions. Kuwait, despite the wishes of its oil-producing partners in OPEC,
began to pump much more oil than its agreed quota, bringing the price of oil down on world markets. Every time Kuwait’s
actions forced a decrease in the price of oil, Iraq lost millions, if not billions, of dollars, further eroding its economy. The situation became more tense and Saddam Hussein called for a meeting
with April Glaspie, the U.S. Ambassador to Iraq. On July 25, 1990, they met and Saddam explained his country’s plight
to her. He discussed Kuwait’s breaking of OPEC agreements and that his country was in desperate need of money to help
rebuild its infrastructure that was damaged in the eight-year Iran-Iraq War. (See Appendix I of The Mother of All Battles
for the full transcript.) After listening, Glaspie then assured Saddam that the U.S. was on
Iraq’s side and that the U.S. was in sync with the desires of Iraq to rebuild. She explained: I think I understand this. I have lived here for years. I admire your
extraordinary efforts to rebuild your country. I know you need funds. We understand that, and our opinion is that you should
have the opportunity to rebuild your country. But we have no opinion on Arab-Arab conflicts, like your border dispute with
Kuwait. Saddam Hussein then complained that the U.S. was blocking most orders
his government had placed with the U.S. He said: There is nothing for us to buy from America. Only wheat. Because every
time we want to buy something, they say it is forbidden. I am afraid that one day you will say, "You are going to make gunpowder
out of wheat." Those words were quite prophetic. After Desert Storm, with a full
embargo in place, Iraq could not import food, so it had to create more agriculturally-based business. In June 1992, U.S. military
jets, with their afterburners, destroyed 23 Iraqi wheat fields. Getting back to the Saddam Hussein-April Glaspie meeting, she responded
to Saddam’s complaints about lack of access to American markets with, "I have a direct instruction from the president
to seek better relations with Iraq." The U.S. administration maintained that it was Iraq’s business
and not that of the U.S. in the matter of Iraq’s dispute with Kuwait. On July 26, 1990, the day after the Saddam-Glaspie
meeting, Margaret Tutweiler, U.S. Department of State spokesperson was asked by the press, "Has the United States sent any
type of diplomatic message to the Iraqis about putting 30,000 troops on the border of Kuwait? Has there been any type of protest
communicated from the United States government?" She replied, "I’m entirely unaware of any such protest." On July 31, 1990, John Kelly, Assistant Secretary of State for Near
Eastern Affairs, testified to Congress that the "United States has no commitment to defend Kuwait and the U.S. has no intention
of defending Kuwait if it is attacked by Iraq." These messages are not ambiguous, but they were false. Bush had plans
ready to destroy Iraq and the crossing of the Iraq-Kuwait border was an appropriate excuse to implement Bush’s designs.
During the war propaganda buildup of the next few months, the subject
of the Saddam-Glaspie meeting was kept under wraps. Few Americans knew of the incident. Adding to the intrigue, Glaspie seemingly
disappeared. From August 4, 1990 until May 1991, no government official mentioned her or could account for her whereabouts.
A few reporters worked up the nerve to ask, but they were ignored. In May 1991, April Glaspie appeared before the U.S. Senate. Questions
were not asked about where she had been for the prior nine months, and the public will probably never know. During her report
to the Senate, she told of warning Saddam Hussein not to take action against Kuwait. Most of the senators believed her because
she alleged that the transcripts of her meeting with Saddam were altered by the Iraqi government. (The CIA admitted that the
transcripts were accurate and that Glaspie had not issued such a statement to Saddam Hussein.) After her testimony, the Senate
virtually granted Glaspie hero status. In July 1991, Senators Clayborne Pell of Rhode Island and Alan Cranston
of California came up with a totally different scenario from the one Glaspie presented. They read the contents of secret messages
from Glaspie to the U.S. government and assessed that Glaspie blatantly lied to the U.S. Senate. Pell and Cranston appeared on national television and called Glaspie’s
testimony deceitful and shameful. They vowed to get to the bottom of the incident, all the time lambasting Glaspie and her
testimony before the Senate. Pell and Cranston announced that they were putting the machinery in motion for a full investigation
to begin in September 1991. By mid-October, there was no word of an investigation. On October 11, 1991, I called Senator Cranston’s office in Washington
D.C. When I asked about the impending investigation, there was silence. After a brief pause, I was hesitatingly told that
they knew nothing about it and I was advised to call the Foreign Affairs Committee. I took the recommendation of Cranston’s office and called the
committee. After I gave a brief description of the incident, I asked, "Is there any information available?" The woman, who
would not identify herself, snapped "Nope!" After a moment’s pause, she tersely added, "There was a meeting scheduled
and then postponed indefinitely." Then, she abruptly hung up. Somehow, the administration squashed the only chance we had of learning
the truth behind the Glaspie affair. The question that will never be publicly addressed and answered is: "Did April Glaspie
give Saddam Hussein a green light for invading Kuwait out of incompetence (i.e. was the Arab-Arab statement her own?) or was
she instructed to say that by the U.S. administration?" April Glaspie is a shady character at best. According to the U.S.
administration, in 1992, she accepted a position at the University of San Diego. Her phone number was listed, yet there never
was an answer when it was called, and, there was no answering machine. In June 1993, the U.S. involvement in Somalia turned from a "humanitarian"
mission to one that attempted to capture the newly-demonized Mohammed Aidid. There was much bloodshed. Shortly before the
public denigration of Aidid, Glaspie was re-assigned to Somalia. She wrote the new script. Soon after the Somalia debacle, Glaspie again disappeared, only to
turn up in the Rwanda area, where the slaughtering of more than a million people was just getting underway. Prior
to her stint in Iraq, Glaspie was stationed in Lebanon during that country’s bitter and bloody civil war. Is the fact
that Glaspie happens to appear in areas in which there is violence shortly after her debut a matter of chance, or, possibly
the prelude to destruction? ASTRONOMY ANSWERS MANY QUESTIONS (Lately, it seems the anti-Arab statements of U.S. citizens have escalated,
despite being numerous before. Almost daily, I hear my countrypeople speak of the "stupid Arabs." They maintain that Arabs
are savages and have no affinity for knowledge of the modern world. There are many contradictions in these statements. First, they come
from people who think the Earth is only 6,000 years old [Polls show that between 55 and 60% of the U.S. public believe this].
The vast majority of the "new-Earthers" also denigrate stem-cell research, a scientific program that could cure diabetes and
other ailments. Few U.S. citizens are aware of the fact that it was the Arab world
that created science. Then, once Christianity came to power, the religion declared science an enemy. This animosity still
prevails. During the "Dark Ages," when the Church stifled any scientific research and also enslaved the people in illiteracy,
it was the Arab and Muslim world that kept science alive. Without this contribution, we would still be living in the Dark
Ages. I’ve run this article before, but I consider it necessary to
re-publish it because of the current rise in anti-Arab attitude in the West in general, and in the U.S. in particular.) Throughout humankind’s existence, the sky has always played
an important role. Until about 10,000 years ago, humans were baffled by the sky. They understood little about the stars and
planets and were mostly scared by items that depicted quick change, such as eclipses, meteors, or comets. When humans began to form civilizations and to record their existence,
the sky took on new dimensions. The peoples of the Middle East watched the stars and, although still superstitious, began
to notice that certain positions of stars and planets would indicate certain times of the year with regularity. They realized
that the annual re-emergence of some constellations indicated it was time to plant crops. Other constellations heralded he
beginning of a rainy season or a dry season. In other words, the beginning of astronomy had occurred. Centuries after the beginning of astronomy, another of humankind’s
inventions occurred that became a major opponent of astronomy — monotheistic religion. The story of the sky began to
change. Comets were bad omens. So were solar or lunar eclipses. Meteor showers were heralded as ominous threats to humankind.
Today, we understand that a comet is nothing more than a bunch of ice and rock that orbits the Sun. Meteorites are pieces
of iron, rock or silicon that occasionally fall to Earth. And, the dastardly eclipses are caused either by the Earth’s
shadow blocking the moon’s image, or the moon blocking the Sun’s image. We must remember that the almost two-millennia practice of ignorance
of the sky was not always so. Prior to the advent of monotheism, much progress had been made in the field of astronomy by
ancient cultures. For instance, archaeologists have found depictions from ancient Babylon that show Jupiter and four of its
moons. No person has eyesight so keen that he/she could see even one of Jupiter’s moons without a telescope. The telescope’s
invention was not credited, however, until almost 5,000 years after the drawings were made in Babylon. Many scientists today
believe that the ancient Babylonians had invented a basic telescope. In the year 1581 BCE, a lunar eclipse traveled though the Middle East.
There is a clay tablet that commemorated this eclipse (see picture at beginning of article). The message on the tablet was
scientific, not mythical. In addition to reporting a lunar eclipse, the ancient Babylonians could predict these events with
accuracy. Let’s talk about electricity. Archaeologists have found that
electricity was used to plate coins over 5,000 years ago in Baghdad, Iraq. In China, at about the same time, the same electricity
had been discovered and put into making crude batteries. Once Christianity gained a foothold in society, the Church tried alter
science to fit its theology. True science was declared the enemy. Judeo-Christian pseudo-science became standard fare for
more than a millennium. In 394 A.D., Christian activists burned the libraries and museums
in Alexandria, Egypt. In these institutions was most of the world’s knowledge, including scientific, that had been gathered
over the centuries from many countries and cultures. It has been estimated that about 90% of the world’s knowledge,
including astronomy, went up in smoke. It took almost 1,500 years for the world to regain knowledge that already existed at
one time — knowledge in the fields of astronomy, science, anatomy, architecture, plumbing, public works, etc. According to the fifth book of Historia Ecclesiastica: "At the solicitation of Theophilus bishop of Alexandria the emperor
issued an order at this time for the demolition of the heathen temples in that city; commanding also that it should be put
in execution under the direction of Theophilus. Seizing this opportunity, Theophilus exerted himself to the utmost to expose
the pagan mysteries to contempt. And to begin with, he caused the Mithreum to be cleaned out, and exhibited to public view
the tokens of its bloody mysteries. Then he destroyed the Serapeum, and the bloody rites of the Mithreum he publicly caricatured;
the Serapeum also he showed full of extravagant superstitions, and he had the phalli of Priapus carried through the midst of the forum. Thus this disturbance having
been terminated, the governor of Alexandria, and the commander-in-chief of the troops in Egypt, assisted Theophilus in demolishing
the heathen temples. These were therefore razed to the ground, and the images of their gods molten into pots and other convenient
utensils for the use of the Alexandrian church; for the emperor had instructed Theophilus to distribute them for the relief
of the poor. All the images were accordingly broken to pieces, except one statue of the god before mentioned, which Theophilus
preserved and set up in a public place; 'Lest,' said he, 'at a future time the heathens should deny that they had ever worshiped
such gods.'" In ridding the world of "pagan" ideas, the Church eliminated thousands
of years of knowledge. Christianity now had an open hand at keeping the western world ignorant of science for the next millennium.
Astronomy turned into astrology. Any legitimate research was a thing
of the past. Comets, eclipses and meteors reverted to a "bad omen" status. In the 16th and 17th centuries, real research
again came forward. However, those who crossed the line of Church doctrine were put out of business. Galileo had to renounce
his findings to save his life. Prior to the re-invention of the telescope in the early 17th
century, a flurry of astronomers began to see the overall picture. They used mathematics an what they could see with the naked
eye to enhance knowledge. At the time, they were not interested in challenging the Church, but only to further astronomical
knowledge. It was proven and finally accepted that the Earth was not the center of the universe, but, it was still blasphemy
to state that the Earth was not at the center of our solar system. That information would take longer to emerge, although
some astronomers were quietly hinting this as a fact. Many of us today are under the assumption that the great scientists
of these times were atheistic, but that’s not true. Most were attempting to combine their religious faith with science.
For instance, Sir Isaac Newton is credited with discovering the laws of gravity. He had a few predecessors who came close,
but it was Newton whose theory of gravity became known as the most accurate. Contrary to what one may think, Newton was a very religious man. He
wrote millions of words on biblical subjects and was intrigued by Hebrew scripture. Recently, some of Newton’s lesser-known works have come forward
that show he predicted the end of the Earth in the year 2060. He made his calculations based on the Bible. Researchers admit
that there are still thousands of volumes of Newton’s works that have yet to be scrutinized. Despite his prolific scientific
work, Newton still embraced religion in his research and findings. The re-discovery of the telescope changed astronomy forever. Astronomers
were able to see the physical characteristics of planets as well as their moons. The could now see nebulae and multiple stars.
They also saw things they could not explain, but the telescope was the one instrument that heralded the beginning of making
sense of the universe. By the beginning of the 20th century, the knowledge of
astronomy was astute, although still not as comprehensive as today’s standards. The Church had been inundated with too
much information to keep saying that the Earth was flat, or that the Earth was at the center of the solar system. Despite
new evidence, however, the Church still denied many reasons for what astronomy observed. In 1923, a discovery was made that irreversibly changed the way we
look at the universe. Prior to this new discovery, astronomers had figured out much about the solar system and its movements.
They knew that our solar system was but a small portion of the universe. They even knew that our solar system lies near an
edge of the Milky Way galaxy, not at its center. But, they thought the Milky Way was the entire universe. Larger telescopes were being introduced. Some showed unidentified
dots of light just beyond the edge of the Milky Way. At first, astronomers considered these specks to be wayward stars or
nebulae that were on the outskirts of our galaxy, making them appear to be on the edge of the universe as well. That vision was shattered in 1923. Astronomers came to the conclusion
that these items were other galaxies. Since then, with the advent of even newer and more powerful equipment, billions more
galaxies have been discovered. Almost overnight, the size of the known universe increased a trillion-fold. Today, we know that the Milky Way is an average-sized galaxy in a
universe with billions of similar galaxies. Our galaxy, like billions of others, consists of billions of stars. It is about
100 million light years wide, making it an average galaxy consisting mostly of average stars. Despite all the advances, it was not until the 1990s that a real opening
came for seeing the entire universe and its history. The Hubble telescope has been in the forefront of these findings. In
addition, recent technology has made it possible for land-based telescopes and others in space to equal the Hubble instrument
in their observations. We have seen the science fiction movies about life in other parts
of the universe — the green men with long tentacles, or robot-like beings, etc. However, many people, including astronomers,
had concluded that the Earth, with its life-sustaining environment, is a one-time fluke in the universe. Plus, many religions
have always stated that life in unique to Earth. This conclusion is now quickly changing. Since the 1980s, various
astronomers have predicted that some stars may have planetary systems. But, this was still only speculation. Then, in the late 1990s, the first planet orbiting a star outside
our solar system was discovered. Then another. And another. Currently, hundreds of stars outside our solar system have been
identified and named. New ones pop up almost daily. It is now known that the vast majority of stars, including our own
Sun, are formed in the same manner. After their formation, they spew gases and chemicals into space and his debris collides
and forms planets. It is speculated that most stars have planetary systems. Many top astronomers and scientists now conclude
that with trillions and trillions of stars experiencing a similar beginning and end, and most with a planetary accompaniment,
that life is common in the universe. One British astronomer stated, "Life is probably as common as muck." Because of the vast differences involved in the universe, we may never
encounter intelligent life. Theoretically, the speed of light is the fastest speed possible, making it virtually impossible
for other intelligent life to communicate with Earth. If a star is a million light years away from Earth, it is considered
close to our planet. And, if a civilization had figured out the technology to travel at the speed of light, it would take
a million years just to reach Earth. Life probably is common, yet our species may never find out what other creatures in the
universe look like. Life, however, is not restricted to what we know as intelligent life.
Basic forms of life appeared on Earth over two billion years ago in the guise of bacteria. These bacteria, after millions
and millions of years, became the building blocks of other life forms. So, there may be life in the form of bacteria in non-Earthly
settings that we do have a chance of discovering. The subject of life on the planet Mars has always held humankind’s
curiosity. After we first saw close-up detailed pictures of the planet, it was assumed that it was a huge dead rock. Recently, the subject of life on Mars has taken on a new life. NASA’s
Mars Odyssey space probe showed gullies on that planet that could have been etched by melting snow. Astronomers are now of
the opinion that much snow may have existed on Mars at one time and, when it melted, it left these huge gullies. "Snow acts as a miniature greenhouse and provides a wonderful abode
for life," said Philip Christensen of Arizona State University. He added, "Imagine an environment where there is sunlight.
There are temperatures above those of freezing liquid water. All of those make a potential for life." Let’s go to current findings about our universe. The conclusion
of a NASA probe five years ago that looked back to almost the beginning of the universe showed that the universe is 13.7 billion
years old. Before this conclusion, the age of the universe was measured at between 12 and 15 billion years. However, the NASA
probe is precise in its assessment. Every time a space project takes on the task of determining the age of the universe, the
results become more specific. Astronomers call these findings a passage from speculation to precision.
The data strongly confirm the "big bang" theory. They also show that the first stars were formed only 200 years after the
big bang, not from 500 million to two billion years, as was previously thought. In addition, the movement of the early universe
has solved another problem; that of the end of the universe. The scientific community was split into two camps; those who
said the universe would expand indefinitely leading to a cold, lifeless universe, and those who maintained that the universe
would implode in a chaotic and fiery ending. The former theory was proven correct in the recent study. The universe will expand
indefinitely until it becomes so cold that everything will end up as chunks of ice or rock. There have been distinct findings in astronomy that changed the way
we looked at the universe. They include the invention of the telescope and the discovery that the Milky Way is not the entire
universe, among others. Almost daily, we are being told of new discoveries, some mundane and minor, and others virtually Earth-shattering. Not only can we discover knowledge about our cosmic neighbors with
astronomy, but we know much more about the Earth. Satellite photography has made it possible to predict weather much more
precisely. It also has given us knowledge of plate tectonics that we can use to predict future changes in the Earth. What does the Church think of such information? I have not heard Pope
Benedict speak much of the subject. However, a few years ago, he said that human beings did not evolve from apes. He added
that anyone who thinks so is part of a vast "atheistic conspiracy." A little more than 16 centuries ago, it was the pagans
whom the Church blamed for putting bad ideas into humans’ heads. Today, atheists hold the same place as pagans did in
394. At least the Church is consistent in its illogic. Science is the best tool for making sense of life. It is not perfect,
but it is the best we have. WHAT ARE THEY AFRAID OF? First, they took his name out of Iraqi history books. Then, they made
a criminal charge that constitutes a two-year prison sentence for displaying a picture of him in public. Now, the Iraqi government
has banned people from visiting Saddam Hussein’s grave. According to an article in Al-Jazeera News of July 6, 2009, titled
"Iraq Bans Visits to Saddam’s Grave: The Iraqi government has banned all organised visits to the grave
of Saddam Hussein, the country's former leader who was executed in 2006. The government issued the order on Monday after some schools began
arranging trips for their pupils to visit the site in Saddam's native village of Al-Awja, outside the northern town of Tikrit,
a government statement said. … Thousands of Saddam's Sunni Arab supporters regularly visit
the site to commemorate the former leader with poems and songs of praise. Many also visit to mark the anniversaries of his birth and death. Buried alongside him are his two sons Uday and Qusay, who were killed
in a US attack in the northern city of Mosul in July 2003. First, for years we heard Saddam and his sons called "butchers" by
the West. But, the remains of him and his sons indicate the most brutal form of butchery. His sons were chopped to pieces
by hundreds of bullets and artillery shells, while Saddam’s body was defiled by rabid Iran supporters after he was hanged.
The imagery of butchery lives in the graves of the Hussein family, but it was butchery imposed by outsiders, not by Saddam
and his sons. Last week, I gave a speech at San Diego State University to a class
of Professor Khaleel Mohammed, a well-known expert on Islam. The kids were mostly aged from 18-21 and most did not even remember
the March 2003 invasion of Iraq because of their young age at the time. I spoke about the re-writing of Iraq’s history in Washington,
D.C. by U.S. personnel and how the history books were blank from the years 1968 to 2005. Most of the students seemed skeptical
of my assessment. They could not believe the U.S. would pull such dirty tricks. The professor injected a statement. He told of his being a professor
in Toronto at the time of the invasion and that he was contacted by the U.S. government to discuss the subject of Iraq’s
education. They flew him to Washington, D.C. and offered him a top post in the program of re-writing Iraqi history. He said
the salary they offered was astronomical. But, once the discussions began, he knew this was not a job he could perform. He
was told that Iraqi history was to be re-written in Washington and it must reflect U.S. propaganda and turn the Iraqi education
system into a carbon copy of the U.S. system. The professor said he refused because he would not be able to live with himself
if he participated in such a venture. Then, he pointed to a middle-aged woman in the class and said, "We
have an Iraqi in class who went through the times of Saddam. What is your opinion?" She said that she learned more in the
seventh grade in Iraq than she has at a top U.S. university. I asked her when she graduated from Baghdad University and she
replied, "1985." She then said she taught high school for a few years. But, her next statement kind of shocked the students,
most of whom only knew what U.S. propaganda had thrust on the public. She said, "In those days, we had freedom. Under Saddam,
we had total freedom. Not so today. My niece, a Christian, has to be fully-veiled when she leaves the house, despite it being
against her beliefs. Plus, what there is of an education system today in Iraq is pathetic." Today, I sent Professor Mohammed the Al-Jazeera article. Here is his
response: This is nonsense...and will arouse Muslim sentiment against them.
In ANY human system, you cannot prevent people from having their views of the dead. And if the Iraqi puppets enforce this
ban, it will only achieve what is beyond their wildest dreams: the people will lionize him more than ever. This is not the first time people were stopped from visiting Saddam’s
grave. On the first anniversary of his death, thousands were not allowed to pay tribute. According to an article in The
Times of London, called , "Thousands Prevented from Visiting Saddam Tomb on Anniversary of Execution," and published on
December 30, 2007: A handful of Saddam Hussein supporters wept at a graveside in a village
north of Baghdad today on the first anniversary of his execution, while thousands more were preventing from visiting the tomb
because of heightened security… … In the nearby village of al-Dawr thousands of people had planned
a demonstration to condemn the execution followed by a march to Saddam’s graveside, but their movement was restricted
by an indefinite curfew imposed from Saturday, said Selam al-Abid, a former guard to Saddam. In December 2003, after the announcement of Saddam’s capture
by U.S. troops, the streets of Baghdad were filled with pro-Saddam supporters. The following day, U.S. military personnel
surrounded a Baghdad school, Adnan Kheiralla Boy’s School, and dragged about 40 students by their hair and held them
for a couple of days in cages. Their crime? They had a picture of Saddam Hussein in their class. Such actions are not indicative of a "democratic" society, one that
was forced on Iraq by the U.S. The other day, I saw an automobile bumper sticker with the words "Free Iraq" on it, commemorating
the new democratic Iraq. Another sticker, on the other side of the bumper, heralded the praising of Jesus for freeing the
Iraqis. If Saddam is such a spent force, why are the stooges in Baghdad so
bent on denying his existence or stopping people from visiting his grave, or even mentioning his name? Logic tells us that
if the denigration was true, the Iraqi quislings would promote Saddam’s "brutal legacy." Plus, Maliki is very jealous.
Saddam’s presence could command hundreds of thousands of people to show up to listen to his greetings to the Iraqi people.
If Maliki gave a public speech, he couldn’t get a swarm of flies to attend even if he had barrels of honey surrounding
him. Today, the "Arab street’ considers Saddam Hussein as one of
the greatest leaders in Arab history, arguably the greatest in modern times. Even some of his critics from before the March
2003 invasion are now speaking of his foresight. In my book, The Mother of All Battles: The Endless U.S.-Iraq War,
I include a speech given by Saddam Hussein at the Amman Summit in Amman, Jordan on February 24, 1990. Point-by-point, he laid
out the future of the Arab world if it did not recognize and resist U.S. plans for domination of the Arab world. The leaders
did not listen, but the Arab people did. Today, they see that speech as the blueprint for U.S. hegemony in the Arab world.
It’s too bad the leaders did not take the message to heart. News analyst and Middle Eastern expert, Husayn al-Kurdi passed on
his comment today about the ridiculous decree that makes it illegal to visit Saddam’s grave: Saddam Hussein, Knight and Supreme Martyr of the Arabs and Role Model
for all Resisters to Imperialism and Injustice Spawned by the Crusaders, will never die. The struggle for justice and emancipation
from usurpers and invaders will go on until all of the Crusaders and their lackeys, collaborators and stool pigeons have reaped
the ultimate reward for their depredations. The living pigs and their lickspittles cannot match the memory of the Great Martyr.
One thing is a fact that upsets the pretenders in Baghdad: no
matter how many laws are enacted or how many arrests are made, the Iraqi people will not forget Saddam Hussein and the accomplishments
of his leadership and those of the Ba’ath Party. The more they try to eliminate Saddam’s memory, the more they
fail. Saddam made Iraq worth fighting for. ANOTHER GRAND ILLUSION The United States hates Iran and is trying every way possible to unseat
its government and possibly attack and invade the country. The recent emergence of street demonstrations shows the Iranian
people are fed up and want a revolution and create a government that allows its people freedom. If you believe the preceding sentences, it is sad to see how easily
you are duped and how little you know about history. I think a statement that I have made many times is much closer to
reality: Iran and Iraq fought a brutal eight-year war to a stalemate. Then,
15 years after the cease-fire agreement, Iran won the war without firing a shot. Without delving too far into history, I’ll give a short background
to Iran and Iraq relations since the Iran Revolution of 1979. The revolution was not conducted by Islamists alone. It included millions
of people taking to the street whose goal was to rid Iran of the Shah and a kingdom. The participants included socialists,
communists, freedom-loving Iranians, workers, peasants, and others, as well as Islamists. All worked toward the same goal. When Khomeini returned to Iran, the revolution took on a different
look. Once the Shah left, Khomeini consolidated his supporters and became the leader of the revolution. Shortly after, there
was a purge of socialists, communists and secularists, the same people who began the chain of events that led to Khomeini’s
rise. Iraq tried on many occasions to sit down with the new Iranian government,
that by now had turned into a theocracy. They wanted to draw guidelines for a new mutual beneficial relationship between the
two nations in which each country would not interfere in the affairs of the other, but would cooperate in the fields of business
and diplomacy. Iran rejected these overtures. According to a report issued by the Iraqi Embassy in Washington D.C.
in 1985: Despite Iraq’s friendly overtures, the Iranian leadership insisted
on its hostile attitude. Throughout March 1980, Iranian officials persisted in their warnings to the Iraqi people to "Beware
of the Ba’ath Party and the Iraqi leadership." Khomeini issued a statement in late March urging both the youth and the
military of Iraq to rebel against their government and to become heroes in the battle to rid Iraq of the Ba'ath and the extinction
of Arab nationalism. In an address delivered by his son on March 21, 1980, Khomeini made
Iran’s position clear:" We should exert all efforts to export our revolution to other parts of the world. Let us abandon
the idea of keeping our revolution within our borders." Despite all the bravado of the U.S. and Israel about being Iran’s
enemies, the trio soon began to work behind closed doors. The ultimate goal for the U.S. was to acquire the return of its
hostages held in Iran and Israel had a chance to help further advance tensions between Iran and Iraq in the hope of weakening
Iraq, an Arab nation that was challenging Israel’s hegemony in the Middle East. Plans evolved to sell U.S.-made weapons to Iran, with Israel being
the broker and earning its 10% agent fee. Various proposals were put forth, but Khomeini made the final decision.
A group of Iranian officials would make the necessary arrangements for U.S. spare parts and eventually missiles and helicopters.
And, the person who became the main player for Iran was none other than the current hero of the world’s misled public
that thinks he is trying to change Iran’s political makeup: Mir-Hossein Mosavi. According to an article, "Iran Divided
and the ‘October Surprise,’" by Robert Parry that was published on June 24, 2009: Former Prime Minister Mir Hossein Mousavi, who claims he is the rightful
winner of the June 12 presidential election, was part of the group (along with his current allies former President Ali Akbar
Hashemi Rafsanjani and former House Speaker Mehdi Karoubi) that favored secret contacts with the United States and Israel
to get the military supplies needed to fight the war with Iraq. … Khomeini’s blessing allowed Rafsanjani, Karoubi and
later Mousavi to proceed with secret contacts that involved emissaries from the Reagan camp and the Israeli government. The U.S. continued to supply Iran with weapons that killed Iraqis
throughout the entire Iran-Iraq War. Some people point to the now-famous picture of Saddam shaking hands with assistant U.S.
Secretary of Defense, Don Rumseld, in December 1983 and say this is proof that the U.S. supported Iraq during the war. Rumsfeld’s
trip to Baghdad was not to enhance Iraq’s military machine. It was to discuss the diplomatic relationship between Iraq
and the U.S. While Saddam and Rumsfeld were posing for the photo, U.S.-made missiles were killing Iraqis, civilian and military
alike. In fact, the history revisionists, mostly from the left, state that
the U.S. supplied Iraq with much weaponry during the war. This is another bit of propaganda fed to them so they can distribute
it to their "liberal" followers. The truth differs. During the Iran-Iraq War, the U.S. supplied Iraq with about $200 million
worth of military equipment, mostly helicopters. China and France each supplied more than $5 billion worth of military equipment,
closely followed by the Soviet Union who made sales of about $4.8 billion. Iraqi spent billions of dollars with the U.S. during
this time, but most was for civilian goods. Many reasons have been given for the Iran-Iraq War. Pundits have written
many pages of theories. However, most did not hit the mark, especially those since 1990 that have accused Iraq of being the
aggressor. The 1985 report from the Iraqi Embassy in Washington D.C. explains the basis for the war quite precisely: Fundamental to the current conflicts are the basic ideological differences
now found between Iran and Iraq. Under Khomeini, Iran has followed a line of religious fanaticism, one which recognizes no
political or geographic limits to the expansion of its control and influence. Iraq, on the other hand, adheres to a policy
of nationalism, rejecting the domination of religious elements in the administration of the state while espousing freedom
of belief and practice and unity among its people. These diametrically opposed ideologies are the core of the Iran-Iraq War. After the cease-fire between the U.S. and Iraq was signed in 1991,
supposedly ending hostilities, an uprising occurred in the south of Iraq. From that time until today, we hear that this was
a spontaneous insurgency powered by Iraqis who wanted freedom from the Ba’ath government. This is another swerve. The
violence began when Iranian agents crossed the border of Iraq and organized the violence. We hear of the brutal putting down
of the insurgents by the Iraqi government, yet he never hear of the Iranian-backed Shia butchers who slaughtered many Iraqis.
In Basra, multitudes of Iraqi civilians were beheaded by masked henchmen. At the time, photos emerged of them with their scythe-like
instruments decapitating people tied to tables. Eventually, the Iraqi government had the situation under control. A close Iraqi-American friend of mine at the time asked, "What was
Saddam supposed to do? Kiss them on the cheek?" While the fighting was at its heaviest, we saw videos on TV in the
U.S. of large protests in Baghdad. Pete Williams, the White House spokesman at the time said, "Demonstrations in Iraq are
rare. It looks like the people are upset with the government." The protestors held signs in Arabic, therefore, most Americans
had no clue of what they said. My aforementioned friend told me, "The signs were asking the government to put down the Shia
uprising." Again, we saw a major twisting of the facts. In 1991, every Iraqi knew that Iran was behind the hostilities in
the south. The "person on the street" was well aware of this fact. Even the Iraqi-Americans living in San Diego, California,
were knowledgeable of this. In 2003, many Iranians flocked to Iraq, following the footsteps of
the U.S. They took no time in implementing training for death squads in Iraq to attack whom they considered "undesirables."
Along with the Iranians, came Iraqis who had lived in exile in Iran for years. Many became part of the new "government." Almost immediately, Iranian agents or Iranian sympathizers in Iraq
began tracking down former pilots who fought with the Iraqi Air Force during the Iran-Iraq War. A lot of information on the
whereabouts of these veterans was supplied by the U.S. It has been estimated that between 800 and 2,000 retired pilots were
executed. I personally know three Iraqi-Americans whose uncles were assassinated. All the bluster we have heard from Iran about the "little Satan (Israel)"
and the "great Satan (the U.S.)," is as phony as any Hollywood fiction presentation. The same is true for the other side:
both the U.S. and Israel have collaborated with Iran in the killing of thousands of Iraqis. Let’s get current. Anti-war groups are holding candlelight vigils
in the U.S. in support of the Iranian protestors. In the misled minds of the leftists, Iran is undergoing a revolution that
has challenged the system in Iran. Nothing is further from the truth. The protestors are complaining
about election fraud, not the system. In 2000, in the U.S., we had thousands protest the rigged election of George Bush. Why
did not international journalists call this a revolution against the system? It wasn’t, just as the protests in Iran
are not the beginning of a revolution. The only Iranians who oppose the theocracy and want a secular government do not reside
in Iran. They are scattered in various countries, with many residing in Paris. Inside Iran, they have no support. The New York Times ran an article on July 5, 2009, called "Leading
Activists Defy Ayatollah on Iran Elections." It describes a maverick group inside the government called the Association of
Researchers and Teachers of Qum. According to the article: Perhaps more threatening to the supreme leader, the committee called
on other clerics to join the fight against the government’s refusal to adequately reconsider the charges of voter fraud.
The committee invoked powerful imagery, comparing the 20 protesters killed during demonstrations with the martyrs who died
in the early days of the revolution and the war with Iraq, asking other clerics to save what it called "the dignity that was
earned with the blood of tens of thousands of martyrs." The most militant opposition group in Iran mentions nothing about
changing the system. It only puts forth gripes against election fraud. And, it glorifies Iranians who killed Iraqis. Even today, Iranian sympathizers in Iraq are targeting segments of
the Iraqi population. Iran’s pogrom against Iraqi Arabs continues, as does the support of the U.S. and Israel. After the Iran-Iraq War, Saddam Hussein offered an amnesty to Iraqis
(mainly a portion of the Kurdish population and the radical Shia element in the south) who fought on the side of Iran. Unfortunately,
the Iranians did not reciprocate. Not only did they go after Iranians who fought for Iraq, they have massacred Iraqis who
fought for Iraq. I realize that it is a suspension of disbelief on my part, but it
would be great for the anti-war people and those of the left in the U.S. who are calling the events in Iran a great revolution
to research history and see what is really happening. Iraqi lives were worth nothing to the U.S. citizenry from 1990 on, and
the attitude still prevails. I will use a U.S. colloquialism for those "human rights" advocates who pretend to want to help
the plight of the oppressed, but when it comes to Iraq are silent. They are people with paper assholes. SORRY, IT’S THE WRONG PAUL The pope is now claiming another milestone in the history of the Roman
Catholic Church: the remains of St. Paul have been discovered. According to an article in The Guardian, "Pope Claims
Human Remains Belong to St. Paul, published on June 29, 2009: Human remains found beneath the Vatican have been identified as belonging
to St Paul, Pope Benedict XVI said, apparently laying to rest the mystery of a tomb first discovered
in the city in 2006 … … The pope said the tomb had not been opened but that a probe
inserted through a small hole had revealed traces of purple linen decorated with gold sequins, blue material and red incense
grains as well as the remains. "Small fragments of bone were carbon dated by experts who knew nothing about their provenance
and results showed they were from someone who lived between the first and second century," he said. "This seems to confirm the unanimous and uncontested tradition that
these are the mortal remains of Paul the apostle," he said, adding that the discovery "fills our souls with great emotion". The use of the words "unanimous" and "uncontested" seem quite curious.
I am no expert on biblical history, but I am sure that many people have questioned the validity of the statement made by the
pope (who is named after a method of cooking eggs). Plus, I find it quite odd that he gave legitimacy to the carbon-14 dating
method, one which in the past, has been refuted by many Catholic officials. Normally, a carbon-14 dating shows the errors
in the Vatican’s version of history. But, this time, because it may show a similar time-line, the scientific method
is used as proof. Also, I wonder how these could be attributed to one man who created a legend, when in Rome between the first
and second centuries, millions of people died and their remains, in many cases, are still visible. My questioning of the statement by the CEO of the Catholic Church
led me to conduct more research into the matter. I called in some markers of people whom I have helped in the past. With all the information I have received, I must conclude that Benedict
has mis-identified the remains. The name Paul is the same, but the individuals are different. According to my sources, the location of the bones indicate that they
came from a famous area of Rome in which street vendors sold their goods. Most sold the normal tourist stuff: statues of Roman
gods and goddesses as well as replicas of the Coliseum. But, one Jewish vendor changed the trade and expanded its depth: Paul
Goldberg. He began to sell replica Christian crosses and Jewish Stars of David.
His business went through the roof. Eventually, he traveled to Iberia, where the minimum wage was considerably lower than
that of Rome and farmed the work out to the Iberians. But, Goldberg was not totally satisfied with his new venture. He began
the first off-Coliseum betting business in the world. When the gladiators were scheduled for fights-to-death, he listed odds
outside the Coliseum and many people wagered with or against the posted odds. When the makeup of the fights changed to the Christians vs. the lions,
Goldberg changed his methods and posted the odds of how long the Christians would last before they were eaten. Unlike the
previous combat at the Coliseum in which there was a question about who would win, the lions always won, so he devised the
new system of time endured. Goldberg was a benevolent person and he donated 20% of the takings to the families of the Christians
for burial. Finally, Goldberg found a business venture that gave him a much larger
clientele than those who visited the Coliseum. He carved statements in rocks that became very popular with Romans, who bought
them and had their slaves carry them to put in front of their houses. Once a neighbor saw one of these, he had to have one
himself. Popular statements were: "Rome, Love it or Leave it," and "We Support the Legions." Goldberg died a rich man whom the Romans adored. The recent discovery
of his bones has created a resurrection of Goldbergism in Rome. Goldberg was an innovator who passed his genes along to successive
generations. In fact, the 20th century’s greatest engineer and inventor, Rube Goldberg, is a descendant of
the 78th generation of Paul Goldberg. I implore the pope to allow Goldberg’s bones to rest in pieces. A FORGOTTEN "DAY OF INFAMY" Many countries have one or two days a year that indicate a national
tragedy. In the U.S., December 7, 1941, the day the Japanese attacked Pearl Harbor, is labeled a "day of infamy." Almost 60
years later, September 11, 2001 surpassed December 7 as a rallying cry for U.S. solidarity. Iraq, a country much smaller than the U.S., and never as large a player
on the international scene, can claim several days of infamy: January 17, 1991 (the beginning of Desert Storm); February 14,
1991 (the destruction of the Amiryah Bomb Shelter); March 20, 2003 (the start of the U.S. illegal invasion and occupation
of Iraq); and April 9, 2003, (U.S. forces enter Baghdad) among others. But, one date that gains little international attention
is imbedded in the hearts and minds of most Iraqis: June 26, 1993. On that date, the U.S. military, under the command of Bill Clinton,
ordered 23 Tomahawk guided missiles to demolish the headquarters of the Mukhabarat, the Iraqi intelligence services, in central
Baghdad. Twenty of the missiles hit the agency complex, while "only" three missed their targets. A jubilant Clinton took to the airwaves and proclaimed victory. He
was happy that only three missed their mark. One could think he was addressing the public about the score of a sporting event. Of the three that missed, one destroyed the home of Layla al-Attar,
killing her and her husband, and blinding her daughter. Layla al-Attar was the director of the Iraqi National Art Museum and
a leading Arab artist who was revered in Iraq much the same as Norman Rockwell was in the U.S. In addition, she was a spokesperson
for international peace, for the inner peace of women, and for resistance against U.S. hegemony. Layla al-Attar symbolized
Iraq. When news of al-Attar’s death broke, Iraq mourned. A special
person who transcended political ideology and represented all of humankind had been assassinated. During the Gulf War, her home was almost totally destroyed by U.S.
missiles. Two years later, shortly after the completion of the house’s reconstruction, an "errant" missile finished
the job that its cousin had only partially performed in earlier years. Although never proven, it is quite easy to give credence to the theory
that Layla al-Attar was the target of a missile, not merely a casualty of "collateral damage" from a misguided projectile.
Every Iraqi believes she was marked, but shortly after her execution, the rest of the world forgot. Outside the Arab world, Layla al-Attar was on the verge of becoming
a top international artist. European art galleries were beginning to highlight her work. In the U.S., however, she was little
known. Little international outrage was heard when she was killed. The reason behind the attack was as bogus as any given during the
Bush I years. Clinton stated that information was in-hand that showed Iraqi operatives were behind an aborted assassination
attempt on former President George Bush in April 1993 at a ceremony praising him in Kuwait. Clinton added that Saddam Hussein
ordered the attempt on Bush’s life. At the last minute, those who were to carry out the attack were apprehended and
Clinton had to teach the Iraqis a lesson. The big lie still persisted. Those arrested were merely drug and alcohol
smugglers. In the aftermath of the June 26 missile attack, one-by-one the mythical would-be assassins were released from Kuwaiti
jails, but, the U.S. media did not consider this information newsworthy. It was not as exciting as assassination plots and
missile attacks. On November 1, 1993, the New Yorker published an article by
Seymour Hersh titled "A Case Not Closed." In it, Hersh went into detail about the entire event and basically showed there
was no validity to Clinton’s claim. Why did Clinton order this attack? At the time, Republicans and pro-war
Democrats criticized him for being "weak" on Iraq and other invisible threats against the U.S. Clinton had to earn respect.
What better target than Iraq, a defenseless country that was isolated because of U.S. propaganda? According to Hersh: Three of the million-dollar missiles missed their targets and landed
on nearby homes, killing eight civilians, including Layla al-Attar, one of Iraq’s most gifted artists. The death toll
was considered acceptable by the White House. Clinton administration officials acknowledged that they had been "lucky," as
one national security aide put it, in that only three of the computer-guided missiles went off course. Thus, on a Saturday in June, the president and his advisors could
not resist proving their toughness in the international arena. If they had truly had full confidence in what they were telling
the press and the public about Saddam Hussein’s involvement in a plot to kill George bush, they would have almost certainly
ordered a far fiercer response than they did. As it was, confronted with evidence too weak to be conclusive but, in their
view, perhaps not weak enough to be dismissed, they chose to fire missiles at night at an intelligence center in the middle
of a large populous city. Over the years, many people have uttered, "Saddam tried to kill Bush’s
father," in defense of Bush’s 2003 invasion of Iraq. In March 2008, the story took another turn as an unlikely organization
admitted the plot was a hoax: the Pentagon. The March 23, 2008 issue of Newsweek ran an article called
"Saddam’s Files," written by Michael Isikoff. It stated: President Bush said lots of things about Saddam Hussein in the run-up
to the Iraq War. But few of his charges grabbed more attention than an unscripted remark he made at a Texas political fund-raiser
on Sept. 26, 2002. "After all, this is a guy who tried to kill my dad at one time," Bush said. The comment referred to a 1993
claim by the Kuwaiti government—accepted by the Clinton administration—that the Iraqi Intelligence Service (IIS)
had plotted to assassinate President George H. W. Bush during a trip to Kuwait that spring … But curiously little has been heard about the allegedly foiled assassination
plot in the five years since the U.S. military invaded Iraq. A just-released Pentagon study on the Iraqi regime's ties to
terrorism only adds to the mystery. The review, conducted for the Pentagon's Joint Forces Command, combed through 600,000
pages of Iraqi intelligence documents seized after the fall of Baghdad, as well as thousands of hours of audio- and videotapes
of Saddam's conversations with his ministers and top aides … … But the Pentagon researchers found no documents that referred
to a plan to kill Bush. The absence was conspicuous because researchers, aware of its potential significance, were looking
for such evidence. "It was surprising," said one source familiar with the preparation of the report (who under Pentagon ground
rules was not permitted to speak on the record). Given how much the Iraqis did document, "you would have thought there would
have been some veiled reference to something about [the plot]." Despite the Pentagon coming clean after 15 years of the public believing
a myth about the nonexistent assassination attempt, not too much has changed in the perception and reporting of those times.
In April 2008, weeks after the Pentagon announced the Kuwaiti hoax, the National Defense University, a quasi-government organization,
published a report called Choosing War: The Decision to Invade Iraq and Its Aftermath," written by Colonel Joseph J.
Collins, a retired U.S. Army officer. Collins seemed to be writing about a fantasy scenario of Iraq. His
assessments were not accurate and at times, differed greatly from the facts. One of them stated: "Since the Republicans had
last been in power, Saddam had tried to assassinate the elder Bush." No one challenged Collins’ statement, despite the
Pentagon’s earlier declaration. It appears that no matter how many people debunk this lie, it has a life of its own
and will go down in history as fact. Hersh was quite right in his assessment of picking on the weak. U.S.
citizens take pride in the fact that their society scorns bullies who pick on defenseless adversaries. However, they contradict
their own philosophy by cheering on the murdering of foreign civilians who are the weakest prey of all. These cowardly actions transcend political allegiances in the U.S.
Obama (remember, the anti-war candidate), condemned Iran’s actions in putting down demonstrations. On June 23, 2009,
he told the press, "And we deplore violence against innocent civilians anywhere that it takes place.'' On the same day, neews
headlines read, "Deadly ‘Drone Attack’ Hits Pakistan." It appears that at least 40 Pakistani civilians were killed
while at a funeral. Obama ordered the strike. It seems that Pakistanis, Iraqis and Afghanis don’t count. The lies and
hypocrisy of the blood thirst of U.S. politicians, and many civilians, remain unabated. NOT GOOD ENOUGH With all the occurrences in Iran taking the world headlines, two cover-ups
have taken a back seat to Iranian affairs. Once the situation in Iran becomes more complacent (most probabily because of punitive
actions that will be taken by the clerics in charge of the country), the subject of the two masquerades will still be with
us, only at a lower level of publicity. The current administrations of the U.S. and Great Britain are stonewalling
the issue of lying to the public of both nations about the reasons for going to war against Iraq in 2003. On both sides of
the Atlantic, despite previous statements of an open discussion, Obama and Britain’s Prime Minister Gordon Brown, are
holding under wraps information that could implicate many people in blatant war crimes activities. Obama’s excuse is a great sham. He has stopped the publication
of pictures of U.S. military personnel torturing Iraqis. In addition, he has blocked the issuing of memos that would implicate
many in the bogus buildup to the March 2003 invasion. In Obama’s case, he is sheltering those who have been the most
outspoken critics of his administration: neocon Republicans. All the time he has been keeping Dick Cheney from public scrutiny,
Cheney has made public statements condemning Obama’s security measures. If Obama ever possessed a backbone, it has surely
been a victim of atrophy since he took the oath of office in January 2009. Gordon Brown is also keeping locked a public and open inquiry into
British lies that led to the U.S.-Britain alliance in destroying Iraq. The British public, press, and politicians of all parties
are asking for an in-depth report on the shenanigans the British government pulled in 2002 and 2003 to con the public into
mildly accepting an invasion of Iraq. It’s great that the public of the two nations want to know the
truth. But, the reason for asking for an open look at these documents seems to be off-base. Most people say that an honest
look at the period will help insure that something like this does not happen again. Jonathan Steele wrote a brilliant article on the British cover-up
on June 15, 2009 called "Skewed and in Secret, this Iraqi Inquiry Is a Scandal." He gives many details of Brown’s deceit.
However, he concluded: My own view is that an account-settling inquiry is not the best route
to follow. It would probably discourage witnesses from being candid or providing documentation. It would give an essentially
punitive air to proceedings and lead at best to buck-passing between officials and ministers, and at worst to a media-stimulated
search for heads to roll. The wider issue is to ensure that Britain enters no such "war of choice" again. For that to happen,
it is better to concentrate on understanding how and why the government made a judgment that most British people consider
to have been flawed. Despite Steele’s astute reporting on the subject, I find his
statement, "The wider issue is to insure that Britain enters no such ‘war of choice’ again," to be flawed. It’s
time to stop using the excuse that the truth will stop future illegal and despicable ventures. The reason for such inquiries
should be to prove the guilt of those who created the situation and bring them to justice. Once this occurs, future leaders
will have second thoughts about illegally attacking developing nations if they think they may swing from the end of a noose. Take the cases of Bush and Blair and their cronies who took glee in
killing more than a million Iraqis and destroying the nation’s history and culture in the 2003 invasion and occupation.
Many have written their memoirs and are bragging of their activities. Something seems wrong here. The killers become heroes
and the victims are buried in graves. In most Western societies, if a person persuades someone to murder
a family and the truth emerges, the one who prompted the person who pulled the trigger is just as responsible as the killer.
In such instances, I have yet to read where a judge tells the killer and accomplice, "Well, we all learned from this lesson.
Don’t do it again." Why can the law of the land of Britain and the U.S. be different for the elected leaders? The excuse that we may learn from the experience and think twice before
doing it again is bogus. Take Grenada, then Panama, then Iraq, then Somalia, then Serbia, then Iraqi again. People of the
left, after the truth emerged from each military incursion, took pride in getting the word out and then became complacent
thinking it would never happen again. The difference in each instance is that not only did it happen again, but it happened
on a grander scale. The press was irate when it was kept away from Grenada for days. "Never
again," said media personnel. "Never again" occurred in Panama in 1989 and then in Iraq in 1991. The press kept complaining,
yet did nothing about it. Then, in 2003, the U.S. administration said that the press would be
allowed to follow the action. What occurred was worse than having no press coverage. The "imbedded" reporters had to have
their stories authorized by the U.S. military before they could post them. What we read about was the heroic U.S. military
taking on the Iraqi savages and teaching them a lesson. Fortunately, a few independent journalists defied the U.S. ban on
un-imbedded reporters and did give us some idea of the truth. But, most of their stories were rejected by the mainstream press
because the U.S. administration warned them about printing "anti-American" stories. Plus, the U.S. bombed the offices of Al-Jazeera
News in Afghanistan and Iraq. This was to make an example of media outlets the U.S. did not admire. There is no excuse for saying that the main reason for the truth to
emerge is to make sure the same does not happen again. It always does. Currently, there are a few war crimes tribunals in operation, most
concerning little-known individuals from tiny African republics. They do not have the same propaganda machine as the leaders
of the Western nations. When the world has in place an organization with teeth that would
indict and insure the attendance in a court room of George Bush I and II, Bill Clinton, Dick Cheney, Madeleine Albright, Barack
Obama, Don Rumsfeld, Colin Powell and many others who are accomplices to murder, we would see a complete turnaround in military
actions. Maybe war would become obsolete. But, it is more likely to continue with the status quo. The last lines of the great
movie, "The Grand Illusion," by Jean Renoir say it all. Two French POWs escaped a German World War I prison camp. With Germans
chasing them, they made it to the Swiss border, a neutral country. They were safe, temporarily. One asked the other what would
happen and was told that they would make their way back to France and be assigned to another unit and then go back into battle.
The other asked, "Wouldn’t it be nice if there was no war?" to which his comrade replied, "What are you, an illusionist?" We are living the Grand Illusion in a much more severe way than Jean
Renoir could have imagined. Many people speak of the lies that led to the March 2003 invasion
of Iraq. However, a great number of people forget, or are not aware, that the same propaganda campaign preceded the 1991 destruction
of Iraq by the U.S. Same lies, same story line, same results. Former U.S. Attorney-General Ramsey Clark came about as close as anyone
to bringing justice to the perpetrators of the 1991 massacre. He formed an International War Crimes Tribunal that received
much publicity in the world, except in the U.S. media. Although he had a representative group of judges and witnesses, and
went to great lengths to convene this Tribunal, those found guilty had to pay no price. The following is from my book, The
Mother of All Battles: The Endless U.S.-Iraq War. Clark did not hold the trial to insure that the same mistakes would
not occur in the future. He organized the event to call out publicly the names and crimes of those involved. America’s Best Kept Secret The most powerful forces in Desert Storm were not the bombs or missiles
dropped on Iraq. Without firing a shot, the U.S. media ensured the country’s destruction. Their acquiescence to U.S.
government demands stopped all discussion of a negotiated settlement of the crisis. Schwarzkopf said it all on the day after
the cease-fire. At a press conference, he laughed as he told the journalists, "You printed everything just the way we said
it." If the media tried to find the truth, or gave both sides a chance
to be heard, there is a possibility that there would not have been a Desert Storm. The U.S. public had no idea why Iraq went
into Kuwait or the history of the area. To this day, because of biased media coverage, the American public, for the most part,
thinks Saddam Hussein was attempting to take over the world. During Desert Shield, the buildup to the massacre, there was much
talk about impending military action. For months, we heard many voices, however, those who supported military action dominated
the debate. Occasionally, an opponent of a military solution was given a chance to speak, but the message was usually negated
by the moderators of radio and TV shows. Politicians told the U.S. public outrageous lies about the situation.
The press was remiss in challenging these untruths, so more and bigger lies followed. The media, the military, politicians
and administration officials were exempt from having to tell the truth. It would take thousands of pages to chronicle the deficiencies of
the media in their lapdog role during Desert Shield and Desert Storm, but one portion of history was ignored by the U.S. press
— former U.S. Attorney General Ramsey Clark’s formation of a war crimes tribunal and the following trial and judgement
against the U.S. government. In February 1991, Ramsey Clark visited Iraq during the height of allied
bombing. He did not see a pretty sight. Clark returned with much videotape and tales of horror of Iraq’s civilian population
being bombed, despite the U.S. government’s denial. U.S. television stations did not show any videotape and Clark’s
message went unheard and unseen. Shortly after the cease-fire, Clark formed a Commission of Inquiry
to travel to Iraq to see if there was enough evidence to put the U.S. government on trial for war crimes and crimes against
peace. The Commission found a wealth of evidence and returned to the U.S. For the next nine months, Clark and various members of the Commission
traveled worldwide to gather further evidence of war crimes. The results were overwhelming. People came forward to give evidence
of atrocities perpetrated against Iraq’s population, its military, the environment, and citizens of other countries.
Whenever the Commission took evidence, whether in Europe, Asia, Africa or the Middle East, the media of many countries were
in attendance. Despite the large attendance at meetings, the U.S. media were absent. On February 29, 1992, in New York City, the International War Crimes
Tribunal convened to try George Bush, Dan Qualye, James Baker, Dick Cheney, William Webster, Colin Powell, Norman Schwarzkopf
and others on 19 charges of crimes against peace, crimes against humanity, and other criminal acts and high crimes. The Martin
Luther King High School auditorium was filled to capacity (more than 1,500) and many others lined up outside to hear the proceedings
over loudspeakers. The broadcast media of various countries carried the trial live, but, despite the attendance and international
coverage, U.S. press disregarded the event. The panel consisted of 21 people from assorted countries and it ruled
on the following 19 counts: When the trial concluded, there was a verdict. According to the Commission
of Inquiry for the International War Crimes Tribunal: The Tribunal panel concluded an afternoon of testimony by finding
U.S. President George Bush and his associates and allies guilty of war crimes, crimes against peace and crimes against humanity.
They based this decision on clear violations of international law. The Tribunal panelists included internationally-known civil
rights activists, legal workers and freedom fighters. Some have served in the governments of their countries, others in prisons;
some have done both. They reflect a diversity of cultures, nationalities and ideologies. When it came time to vote a judgement,
they were unanimous. The crowd broke into shouting and applause as Attorney Deborah Jackson of the U.S. read the verdict:
Guilty on all 19 counts of war crimes. How could a trial held in the U.S. against the U.S. government be
ignored by the press? The subject alone should have piqued the media’s curiosity. The blackout was not due to lack of
notice from the International War Crimes Tribunal — many press releases were sent and many phone calls were made in
an attempt to gain publicity. I tried to discover why there was a lack of coverage. First, I talked
to Irv Cass, news director of Channel 39, and NBC affiliate in San Diego, California. He explained, "There could be a variety
of reasons why we didn’t cover it. We get news from a variety of sources, such as AP, NBC Network and CNN." Could AP (Associated Press), the agency from which thousands of television
stations, radio stations, and newspapers gain their information be the culprit? According to Adrianne Weil Parks of the AP
office in New York, the AP has a clean record on this issue. She said, "Sure. I put all their (Tribunal) stuff on the wire.
Believe me, I’ve put them out." Three major wire services (AP, UPI and Reuters) were given much information
from the Tribunal. UPI admitted to receiving the information, but could not verify if it was sent over the wires. Reuters
did send the story. According to Art Spiegleman of Reuters, "We sent out the story a couple of days before it (the trial)
took place." At least two of the three major wire services announced the War Crimes
Tribunal, leaving the media one less excuse for not running the story. Paul Ahuja was the press director for the Tribunal.
He mentioned some publications that did not cover the story because of its controversial nature. Ahuja recalled a conversation
with Sidney Schanberg of Newsday in which Schanberg told him, "I can’t cover this story. I’d get fired." The New York Times was just as squeamish. Staff at the publication
told Ahuja, "This story is editorial suicide." Ramsey Clark was critical of the press coverage of Desert Storm and
the lack of coverage of the Tribunal. He said, "The press has totally defaulted. It began with Grenada." His reference of
Grenada alluded to the U.S. government’s blackout of press coverage of the invasion of the island by U.S. forces in
1983. Clark added, "They (the press) complained for a while, but they soon forgot." During Desert Storm, Clark was vocal about his opposition; however,
he and many other opponents were totally shut out by the media. Clark said, "The press led the American people to celebrate
a slaughter." Clark called the media remiss in attempting to get the facts. He stated:
The morning of January 15, 1991 was the saddest moment for American
journalism. There, at the cashier’s desk (at the Al-Rashid Hotel in Baghdad), checking out were the journalists. Here
you have the press, whose duty it was to cover the facts for the public, checking out. According to Clark, the journalists used the excuse of imminent danger
for their exit. He said, "It’s like a fireman saying, ‘Hell, that’s a big fire. I’m not going in there.’" MUCH ADO ABOUT NOTHING The Iranian election results are in. Mahmoud Ahmadinejad won. Those
two sentences are about all the publicity that the election warranted. Until about a month ago, his re-election seemed assured. Then, outside
forces intervened and used creative fantasies to portray this as a great historical event. The Western press began to push
his closest rival, Mir Hossein Mousavi, as a reformist capable of changing Iran into a fair and just nation that would make
friends with the world. Mousavi, a distant second in the polls at the time, was himself surprised at his designation as Iran’s
possible savior. His views were similar to those of Ahmadinejad, and, with the subject of Iran’s nuclear program, were
identical. The only difference appeared to be Mousavi’s declaration of toning down rhetoric and attempting to gain better
relations with the West. Then, the propaganda machines went into full gear. According to many
media pundits, Mousavi’s victory would reverse all the negative aspects of Iran. They began affixing names and colors
to the revolution. These were identical to the Western depictions of elections in Czechoslovakia, Ukraine, and other former
Soviet republics that the U.S. was courting. Even the bogus Iraqi "elections" of 2005 were designated the "purple" revolution. With Iran, the same script writers emerged. They tried to affix a
name to the occurrences in Iraq, such as the "velvet" revolution. But, I think that name had already been used. A few days before the election, young Iranians took to the street
to show their support of a new Iran. Few, however, realized that Mousavi did not include a revolution in his agenda. In 1978 and 1979, millions of people took over the streets of Iran
in an attempt to force the Shah from the country and change the government. It worked. There was jubilance, but it soon ceased
for many Iranians who thought they were getting a new country based on democracy and justice. The movement included people
of all political persuasions, especially those of the Iranian left. But, when the smoke cleared, Ataytollah Khomeini sat in
the driver’s seat as the head of an Islamic republic. Many political activists who created the revolution were now left
out in the cold. A program was quickly instituted in which thousands of pro-revolution activists, who were against the formation
of a sectarian state, disappeared. Those who participated in recent street demonstrations seemed to forget the events of 30
years ago. Now, there are theories about who would have been the better leader
in terms of relations with the U.S. and Israel. This speculation is quite absurd. Ahmadinejad is the best choice for furthering
the current agendas of both nations. If Mousavi won and he toned down the language of the regime, Israel
would have lost a major target to demonize. Because of this, Israel may have been forced to approach the Palestinian issue
in a less harsh manner. But, with a dim-witted president who makes the occasional ridiculous public statement, Israel still
has an excuse for its belligerence. "See, he’s threatening to blow up Israel" will still be used by Israelis to continue
the nation’s despicable treatment of Palestinians. Plus, no one will question Israel’s nuclear arsenal because
the West will infer that Iran is so erratic that it is a threat to Israel’s existence. I would assume that Netanyahu
breathed a sigh of relief when the news of Ahmadinejad’s victory reached the media headlines. Despite all the bluster from the U.S. administration about human rights
in Iran, there is no doubt that they are comfortable with Ahmadinejad. Iran has assisted the U.S. many times over the years,
all the time being cast as a rogue state by the U.S. Iran gladly accepts this designation in return for all the assistance
the U.S. has given the nation. In 1991, Iranian fighters crossed the border of Iraq and helped begin
the Shi’ite insurrection in the south of the country. The U.S. knew this and kept silent. The Iraqi military finally
quelled the Iranian-backed coup attempt; an operation that the U.S. thought would work and get rid of Saddam Hussein and the
Ba’ath Party. Iran’s presence in Iraq in 2003, after the U.S. invasion, was
much more successful and deadly. Iranian-backed militias murdered thousands of people: scholars, doctors, professors, etc.
in an attempt to get rid of the intelligentia in Iraq and make it easier for sectarian Shi’ites to come to the forefront.
Hundreds of Iraqi pilots who flew for Iraq during the Iran-Iraq War were hunted down and assassinated by Iranian agents and
Iranian-backed militias. The U.S. had a convenient ally in taking care of dirty business without having to do the work themselves. Iran has gained a foothold in Iraq that will be hard to reverse. Economically,
Iran has benefited greatly from the venture. In the south of Iraq, many signs are in the Farsi language, not Arabic. The U.S.-Iran tag-team is a balanced alliance, although publicly not
admitted. Iran has a strong hold on Iraq and the U.S. has gained much information from Iran about Afghanistan and Iraq. Since
Bush’s announcement of the "war on terror," Iran has been a willing partner. The talk of the U.S. going to war with Iran is absurd. Both have,
and continue to, help each other immensely. We can see from Obama’s actions that the public denigration, yet private
collaboration with Iran has not changed since the Bush administration and shows no sign of being altered in the near future. The people who recently took to the streets in Iran were pawns. Their
making a hero out of Mousavi did nothing to help their cause. In the long run, Iranian officials may take punitive measures
against the duped citizens. The actions of the young people in Iran and those of the anti-war,
progressive left in the U.S. are identical. The U.S. left took a mediocre mainstream U.S. senator and created a mystique about
him. Obama became the greatest thing since Jesus roamed the Earth (if he ever existed). After his inauguration, Obama has
proven millions of his supporters to be wrong. Some have openly criticized his right-of-center actions, while others, even
though they know they were wrong in building up Obama, fail to admit their errors. In both cases, press hoopla began an illogical
program of creating images that did not exist for Obama and Mousavi. What if Mousavi had won? Most thinking journalists have stated that
there would be little or no difference. Their reasoning is that no matter who is the president of Iran, the final say in matters
comes from the nation’s clerics. On June 13, 2009, the Associated Press ran an article that delved
into the various options that would occur with a victory of either of the candidates. According to the article, "With Nuclear
Dispute at Stake, World Reacts Cautiously to Iranian Hard-liner’s Re-election: Privately, many diplomats at the International Atomic Energy Agency
— the Vienna-based U.N. nuclear watchdog — said they expected little change regardless of who wound up in charge
of Iran's government. That's because Iran's main policies and any major decisions, such
as possible talks with Washington or nuclear policies, rest with the ruling clerics headed by Iran's unelected supreme leader,
Ayatollah Ali Khamenei. "On the nuclear question, it's very clear that the ultimate decision
maker is Ayatollah Khamenei," said Mohsen Milani, an expert on Iran at the University of South Florida. At best, he said,
Ahmadinejad plays a subtle and nuanced role. "The central question of security or war and peace is not in his domain.
It's unambiguously in the domain of the supreme leader," Milani said. The reality of Iran’s nuclear program is that if it did
have a few nuclear weapons, they would be useless. A pre-emptive nuclear strike against Israel with one nuke would invite
a response in minutes of dozens of nukes against Iran. As feeble-minded as Ahmadinejad
is, he realizes this fact. Plus, the real powers in Iran would not be stupid enough to unleash an out-dated nuclear weapon
against Israel, who possesses limitless stocks of modern devastating weapons in addition to its several hundred nukes. Many people spoke gleefully of a change of administration in Iran.
But, as we see, the administration can only go so far and the clerics would cease any proposed actions that they did not agree
with. In all the media frenzy, a report from Al-Jazeera News last week seems to have gone un-noticed. It spoke of the reality
of a "revolution" in Iran and who really holds the power in Iran. The piece was called "Iran Guard Warns Reformist Groups:"
The political chief of Iran's Revolutionary Guard has warned reformists
in the country against seeking what he called a "velvet revolution", vowing that it would be "nipped in the bud". Calling that a "sign of kicking off a velvet revolution project in
the presidential elections", Javani vowed that any "attempt for velvet revolution will be nipped in the bud". MAYBE NORTH KOREA WILL NOT MAKE THE SAME MISTAKE North Korea is again on the hot seat. Because of its practice of independence
and it claims the rights granted to sovereign nations, North Korea is about to face deadly economic sanctions. For the past couple of weeks, we have heard U.S. spokesperson-after-spokesperson
take glee in telling the world of the various sanctions they want imposed against the small nation. In addition, talk of military
actions against North Korea have also been bandied about. According to AL-Jazeera News of June 10, 2009, in an article titled,
"UN to Expand N Korea Sanctions:" Susan Rice, the US ambassador to the UN, described the draft as a
"strong response" to North Korea's nuclear test. "This sanctions regime, if passed by the Security Council, will bite,
and bite in a meaningful way," Rice said. She added that a total ban on North Korean arms exports, as called
for in the draft, would cut off a significant source of revenue for Pyongyang. Now, a monkey wrench has been thrown into the issue. Two U.S. journalists
were apprehended inside North Korea and charged with illegally entering the country as well as committing acts that harmed
the nation. They were tried and sentenced to 12 years in prison. The same people who are threatening North Korea are asking for the
release of the two women who were convicted. They maintain that their case should not be mixed in with the political situation.
Calls for their immediate release are coming from many sectors, especially the "progressive" element of the U.S.: the same
people who once stated they were against the 2003 invasion of Iraq by the U.S., but who have said they oppose the Iraqi resistance.
Not one word about the actions the women committed. Just release them. A few days ago, a U.S. couple was arrested and charged with spying
for Cuba. They were set up by an undercover FBI agent. So far, scant proof of espionage has come forth, yet the couple is
being held without bail. I hear no outcry from the U.S. left to release them. Now comes a bizarre story of similarities. I have yet to read about
the parallel of an almost identical occurrence from 14 years ago in Iraq, a nation under a strict economic embargo who tried
two U.S. citizens as spies and convicted them. Bill Richardson was the person who arranged for the Iraqi government to release
the spies. A benevolent Saddam Hussein let them return to the U.S. Saddam received nothing in return for the release of the
spies except for a stronger anti-Iraq stance from the U.S. government once they were on U.S. soil. Saddam made a mistake in judgement in thinking the U.S. would appreciate
his act of good will. If North Korea looks at the Iraqi precedent, it may try to get some concessions for a release of the
two women, or make them serve their sentences. Plus, the same Bill Richardson has stated he is ready to travel to North Korea
to negotiate for the release of the two convicted women. Maybe North Korea will not fall into the same trap. On March 13, 1995, two U.S. citizens (William Barloon and David Daliberti)
were captured inside Iraq. Both worked for U.S. civilian contractors and maintained they lost their way trying to visit a
friend in Kuwait. At that time, the Iraq/Kuwait border was heavily reinforced by a deep
ditch with towering fences on each side. The pair was well inside Iraq and it would have been almost impossible for them to
have accidentally wandered into Iraqi territory. They were taken to Baghdad and tried on charges of espionage. The
couple received a sentence of eight years in prison. The Clinton administration then began its cover-up efforts. Spokespeople
said the Americans were not spies because they did not have road maps with them at the time of their arrest. Most of the U.S.
public believed the administration |